(anthrop|techn)ology

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In my quest for additional optimization I recently downloaded and tried the mac app Launchbar. In general I do not believe in loading down your computer with tons of software in an attempt to convince yourself that you are a ‘power user’ but I am going to make an exception for Launchbar. This thing rocks as a research tool. Let me tell you why.

For years I have been trying various work-arounds, add-ons, macros, and scripts to make it eaiser to get information about books and journal articles. For books I find myself constantly switching between my library’s catalog, Amazon, Google Books. For journals I am constantly moving between Google Scholar, various Big Content sites (JSTOR etc.), and my university’s clunky interface for getting me past content firewalls. Nothing has worked really well and I’ve resigned myself flipping through multiple tabs in a browser and — horror of horrors — taking my hand off the keyboard and on the mouse, sapping precious milliseconds from my research routine.

Launchbar as a ’search template’ function that makes it incredibly easy to to create custom searches of websites: you basically just copy the URL of a successful search, look around for the string you originally searched for in there, and replace it with an asterisk. To invoke the search you just do command-space bar (what used to be the Spotlight shortcut) and type the name of the search template you want to use and hit return. Then you type your search string, hit return again, and a new browser tab is open with the result.

The genius of launchbar is that it trains itself to guess what search template you are going to use. It only takes a search or two for it to learn that ‘g’ means ‘google’, ‘gb’ means ‘google books’, and so forth. This means that with just a few keystrokes, in any application, you can check out a book, the author’s departmental homepage, or pretty much anything else. No more tabbing between windows or clicking on search windows to get the cursor in a place where you can type your query in.

It speeds up searches by, like, orders of magnitude. For anything.

Apparently it can do lots of other things — like the coveted ‘send as an attachment to an email the PDF file I’m looking at now to someone in my addressbook’. If you are really into controlling your entire computer through a single command line then this is the app for you. But if you are just a normal person who wants to do normal things like locate and save Anna Tsing’s entire scholarly output — fliers for guest lectures on her campus and all — in under ten minutes then you will quickly find that this application is like crack and you will turn into one of the junkie guys in The Wire.

Serious.

Oh yes, I am tweeting. Come find me at http://twitter.com/r3×0r

I think the the thing that we’ve all figured out by now is that in virtual worlds people who do not share the same physical space get to interact with one another synchronously. This is true of phones as well. And videoconferencing. They are, in Schutz’s terminology, contemporaries but not consociates — they share the same time, but not the same space. This is in contrast to different generations of people who, for instance, view monumental architecture or spend time in the same coffee house (“Oscar Wilde sat here”). These people share the same space, but not the same time.

I think someone needs to write a science fiction novel about a virtual world or online game which suddenly and mysteriously becomes inhabited not by non-consociates, but by non-contemporaries: suddenly people from Elizabethan England and paleolithic Java are logging on to the game. Historians and anthropologists scramble to conduct interviews in chat rooms. And then… ok I don’t have a plot, just an idea. But it would be an interesting permutation on the whole space/time thing. So get on that, ok?

I bought a kindle. I dropped US$400 on a device to let me read books when I already own a tremendous amount of books that I will never get to. Why? And, is kindle any good for professors like me?

I bought a kindle because I live in Honolulu and I go to the mainland (or farther away) two or three times a year) and each time I take 5-10 kilos of books with me because of 1) my bizarre need to read constantly 2) I read non-fiction which comes in larger sizes than the normal paperback 3) as an American I constantly need to feel I have a ‘choice’ about things, including what I read. Most importantly, I’ll be traveling to Papua New Guinea, living there for 2 months, and coming back this summer and will need a lot to read. So even though I am not a gadget person these travelling needs pushed me over the edge of a decision I would not normally have made. My bags just got much _much_ lighter which really _really_ matters to me.

Professors, or at least social scientists like me, have very particular reading needs. We read the way athletes work out, and for all kinds of reasons — we read specialized literature for our research, we read popular and general pieces with an eye towards teaching them, we read for pleasure (actually I don’t read for pleasure that much, but when I travel I do). How well does the kindle handle our specialized needs?

Most of the Kindle is Amazon website. Before I bought a kindle, I used Amazon.com constantly for my scholarly work as a ‘discovery’ or ‘awareness’ tool — the website helps you discover books by understanding your preferences, making recommendations about similar books, and providing access to lists that others have written that can be used as the basis for further browsing. It also helps you filter these books and decide which I want to read, why, and how badly. It does so by providing metadata that quickly helps you judge the books (date, publisher, author and author bio) as well as the ability to quickly scan the table of contents (I rarely get to the point where I need to read an excerpt). It also allows you to organize and store your discoveries via various arrangements of your shopping cart, lists, wishlists, and so forth.

Almost all of these features are missing from the Kindle shop. The product details (year, publisher) are still there (and, alas, you still have to scroll down to see them), the recommendations are there, and the listamania lists are around (but much scarcer) and may perhaps grow in time. But there is no quick and obvious way to save kindle editions of books to a wishlist, or to take a look at their tables of content — instead you have to download the free sample or switch to the Amazon paper bookstore, check out the TOC, toggle back over the kindle bookstore, and then keep browsing. This is a big pain.

Paper books are available in many different versions and at many different prices while kindle books normally are not (tho, to be sure, there are multiple editions of public domain texts). Therefore a good way to sort them would be by price — by saying you want to spend more than US$2 and less than US$20 you essentially not only find books in your price point, you are also categorizing books by date since the numerous (and often irrelevant) public domain books get filtered out. Except, of course, that Amazon does not allow you to search in this way.

The best tip for searching I can give so far is to search for the name of a press (University of California, e.g.) and then expand the nested menu on the left hand side of the screen to search through their inventory.

At any rate, all of this applies solely to the kindle website when viewed on a browser on your computer. The version of it you get on the kindle itself is really inadequate as a research tool, and so far I’ve found impossible to browse effectively in any serious way. I know that Amazon is out to serve the ’serious reader’ rather than the professional one, but if I was looking to further adoption amongst academics I’d seriously work on making the kindle section of the website look and feel more like the rest of the website, and get the on-device store more usable.

Here’s one from ASAO: a nice list of “digitized Pacific resources”:http://www.nla.gov.au/oz/digitised-pacific-resources.html including our own “UH Manoa materials”:http://library.manoa.hawaii.edu/research/digicoll.html.

Go librarians go!

“Digg is restructuring”:http://www.dmwmedia.com/news/2008/01/24/digg-demonstrates-failure-open-collaborative-networks — part of the general Web 3.0 trend to create not just collaborative networks, but collaborative networks that help us flourish, which, it turns out, means structures that are regulated rather than ruthlessly games. I see this as similar somehow to the difference between early MMOGs, where inflation and gaming the system were seen as inevitable, to things like WoW, where ruthless policing has led to a more-or-less working system.

Damn, any feminization of the new mac laptop in “this review”:http://gizmodo.com/348361/our-macbook-air-review-matrix? Must write longer blog entry comparing this to seminal article “When computers were women”.

“Alice Marwick”:http://www.tiara.org/blog/?page_id=299 studies identity online.

“Passively Multiplayer”:http://passivelymultiplayer.com/ — the PMOG blog.

IHE has a short piece today on “Middlebury’s banning students from using Wikipedia”:http://insidehighered.com/news/2007/01/26/wiki. The article is interesting, but what is especially valuable to me (and the paper on Wikipedia that I wrote) are the comments it generated, which provide a nice slice of quotable academic opinions about Wikipedia. As someone who has contributed a lot to Wikipedia I have a soft spot for it, but at the same time I have the sort of knowledge of its limits that can only come from, well, contributing to it. And of course its very embarrassing when students hand in papers to me that have been plagiarized from my own Wikipedia articles. I’ve been following the development of Citizendium (the other alternative)pretty closely now for some time, but as far as I can tell its not quite ready for prime time (or world-readable either).

I often use Dawkin’s outrage with religion as an example to my anthro students that science, too, is a culture. Rather than use interviews with him now, there’s a “whole new book”:http://www.amazon.com/God-Delusion-Richard-Dawkins/dp/0618680004/sr=8-1/qid=1162357679/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1/002-0329361-8750447?ie=UTF8&s=books that I will have to look over in my Copious Free Time.

Ever since I have been hired as a professor I have been more and more concerned about what people find out about me when they search for me on the web. Or maybe I should say: ever since I was hired as a professor and then went and wrote a blog entry about laxatives. At any rate I did what I rarely do as a result and checked the Google results for “Alex Golub” and “Alex” respectively.

I’ve been the top hit for “Alex Golub” ever since there _was_ such a thing as Google hit, and I did this on purpose to make sure that _I_ was affecting the results for my name and not other people. It is only in hindsight that this was actually the wrong strategy since it meant I then had to figure out what to say and — more importantly — avoid saying anything stupid. Which is actually very hard to do.

What struck me about searching for my full name this time around is how far you have to go to learn about any of my other Googlegangers. Alex Golub the tennis player, who once shared page results with me, has now vanished. Even Alex S. Golub, award-winning surgeon, has been relegated to one brief mention surrounded by more redirects to me. That is on the ninth page of the Google results.

The tenth page. That means that there are _ten pages_ of me on Google. I am not sure I am particularly happy about this.

Now turn to the ultimate — and more realistic — measurement of Googlejuice: first name Google searches. I do not especially mind that I am nowhere near the top of Google searches for “Alex.” As far as I am concerned Alex King deserves all the Googlejuice he wants for getting WordPress together. Frankly I am just happy that someone has unseated “that friggin parrot”:http://www.alexfoundation.org/alex.htm from the top of the results. The first mention of my name comes on page 10 of the Google results for Alex.

I think its telling in some undfinable way that the ratio of first name pages to whole name pages is so close. I have no idea why. Perhaps we should call it the Parrot Coefficient? The closer we get to 1 the closer we approach celebrity? Much more interesting (and ego inflating) than working about such posh as absolute ranking.

By Internet standards I have been around for quite a while, and while not a dinosaur on the scale of, you know, _David Weinberger_ or something ( :) )I’ve witnessed the rise and fall of a good many trends in the blogosphere and elsewhere. So while I don’t have a second brain located in my spike-studded tail, I do have a scar or two from being scraped by Internet faddism as its brushed past me and dug into my arm. I’m also in many ways a very traditional scholar who has a passion for paper. So while I am interested in the possibilities of cutting-edge technology I am not a bleeding-edge person or an unreserved enthusiast for change. So I think “Scott Palmer”:http://insidehighered.com/views/2006/08/15/palmer has more or less Got It when he writes:

Similarly, the emphasis that contributors to if:book seem to place on the “transparency” of scholarship and “immediacy” of publication made possible by digital delivery misses a very important point. There is much value to be found in not releasing one’s ideas to peers and public while those ideas are still half-baked. In many respects, the instantaneous delivery of “new media” writing is at odds with the solitude, meditation, and patience that are the hallmarks of traditional scholarship. Perhaps this is less true in if:book’s favored field (media studies), but it is manifestly not so for such disciplines as history, philosophy, and the like. Nor should it be. One can build a convincing case that, in the current age of instant analysis, self-absorbed “experts,” and ubiquitous 24/7 live blog feeds, the last thing that the academy needs is to embrace transparency and immediacy.

It reminds me of something Don Knuth once “said about email”:http://www-cs-faculty.stanford.edu/~knuth/email.html:

I have been a happy man ever since January 1, 1990, when I no longer had an email address. I’d used email since about 1975, and it seems to me that 15 years of email is plenty for one lifetime. Email is a wonderful thing for people whose role in life is to be on top of things. But not for me; my role is to be on the bottom of things. What I do takes long hours of studying and uninterruptible concentration. I try to learn certain areas of computer science exhaustively; then I try to digest that knowledge into a form that is accessible to people who don’t have time for such study.

Roberto Rodriguez advocates the way that digital technology allows us to “create at the speed of thought”:http://agile2006.stikipad.com/public/show/MakingMoviesAndSoftwareAtTheSpeedOfThought but of course the question someone with a background in theater rather than movies asks is: what’s wrong with rehearsal again?

All of which to say: digital genres provide increased velocity of information. This creates a continuum of speeds from top to bottom to work from. Since we’ve never had the ability to manipulate information at speed before we find it productive to do so and find lots of ways of doing so that are productive. But that doesn’t mean faster or more networked is automatically better. What is valuable is having the continuum to cherry-pluck from. I love to blog, but there is also work that I keep very close to my chest until it is done. The irony of a universally-readable ‘world of first drafts’ (as David calls the blogosphere) existing side by side with a smaller much higher quality and much more inaccessible world of revised material that, like Debian, is released ‘when its ready’ is hard to miss. But hey that’s life.

My point is just that there is a middle ground between enthusiasts of ‘networked books’ and people who find them anethma. Some of us occupy that middle ground, and we are fairly confident everyone will end up there as well — or at least find the configuration of speeds and modes they find most sympatico. But please recognize that not everyone who is into creative commons licenses also wants to eliminate the bottom of things and force everyone to live at the top.

If you were a sociologist interested in the recent heavies in theory and wanted a quick crib sheet, you might look “here”:http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/toc/sore/53/s1. Honestly the most interesting thing about this issue (after the article on DMS) is _who_ they choose to write about. Spivak has those kinda legs in sociology? Who knew.

UPDATE: Sorry, the full citation is Roland Munro. 2005. Partial Organization: Marilyn Strathern and the Elicitation of Relations. The Sociological Review 53(s1): 245-266.

The Wikipedia entry on “incipit”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Incipit is a scrumptiously brief comparative piece. I particularly like the final point about computer files.

Some quick links for people trying to turn Google Earth’s pictures of PNG into intelligible maps:

“Ethnologue maps”:http://www.ethnologue.com/show_map.asp?name=PG — Ethnologue has made PNG language maps available for free consultation on the web. Vaguely remember Hogbin’s _The Leader and the Led_ and want to find Wogeo? Look no further. The comfortingly bounded, internally discrete, color-coded language groupings here are soothingly panoptic. *Sigh* if only ethnicity and culture really worked that way. Well at least it is good for finding stuff.

“Airstrips of Papua New Guinea”:http://users.bigpond.net.au/billsview/airstrips.htm — A quick way to locating towns and patrol posts. You can enter the lat/long coordinates in Google Earth and it will zoom right in. Paiela is listed as 0522.40 14258.48 — just put 05 22.40′ S 142 58.48′ E into Google Earth and it’ll zoom right in.

If some truly brave soul wants to create a complete set of Airstrip placemarks and email it to me, I’ll make it publically available — I know this information is coded somewhere, but not somewhere as easily findable as my blog, and not for free. Alternately let it be known that I’m also collecting coordinates for people’s fieldsites, so if you want to email me the placemark where you did fieldwork do that and I’ll add you to The Big List. But more on that project for another time.

UPDATE:
“fallingrain.com”:http://www.fallingrain.com/world/PP/ has many lat/long coordinates of places. Curiously organized and random, but still useful.

“Geonet name server PNG locations”:http://earth-info.nga.mil/gns/html/cntyfile/pp.zip — Official USA Government Stuff

Why? Because the Encyclopedia Brittanica has never even _heard_ of “Spam musubi”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spam_musubi.

“Kerim”:http://keywords.oxus.net/archives/2005/05/13/david-graeber/ and “Biella ‘m4dd0g’ Coleman”:http://healthhacker.org/satoroams/archives/000744.html#000744 have already publicized “what Yale is doing to David Graeber”:http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=43&ItemID=7834 so I won’t repeat it here. I haven’t read “his book”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0312240457/qid=1116118035/sr=2-2/ref=pd_bbs_b_2_2/102-6229466-0987309 but I have met David and remember him as funny, articulate, and approachable. What is more, he is also amazingly erudite — an example of the sort of deeply-learned and thoughtful scholar that Chicago Anthroplogy prides itself on. He really _is_ familiar with everything from Mauss to Aristotle to Bakhtin.

I haven’t been very vocal about this because I am at such a remove from Yale, I know that students often have high hopes that popular professors stay even if it’s not structurally feasible, and that Ivy Leagues tend not to retain junior faculty. While my initial cynicism may have worked to block my natural feelings of collegiality with David — we overlapped at Chicago and share the same dissertation supervisor — “this article at counterpunch”:http://www.counterpunch.org/frank05132005.html is, I have to say, pretty damning. The picture he paints of the department seems very probable to me based on my knowledge of departmental politics and really puts Yale in a very bad light indeed.

I am for sure signing the petition.

On the other hand, David is definitely crossing the Rubicon by speaking publically about the nature of the department in public. I don’t think it’s a smart play and I’m shocked at his frankness about topics that are not meant for public consumption. Not that I think he’s wrong or lying, just that saying this in public is probably only going to make the task of getting settled at Yale (if that’s still his goal) even more difficult. I mean — given his estimates of ‘bullies’ to ‘bad guys’ in the department, and the presence of the “departmental faculty list”:http://yale.edu/academics/departments.html and you can more or less figure out who he is speaking ill of if you know a little about the personalities involved.

Which brings me to another thing — in the interview David argues his problems are part of a wider trend in what he calls the shift from the ‘neoliberal university’ to the ‘imperial university’. I don’t think that is true at all. I think that what is happening to him is a manifestation of university politics that are as old as tenure itself — the hot-house atmosphere of an institution with life-long appointments and a small-world network (I’m too polite to say “old boy’s club”) ditching someone who is making waves. What _has_ changed is the mechanisms that David has for redressing this — the global organization of scholars connected by digital genres like petitions, email, webpages, online magazines, the departmental webpage to see who he is dissing, etc.

As a young almost-graduated academic I certainly feel for David, and I hope that he finds an appointment at an institution which will allow him to develop what is already a very interested intellectual trajectory.

I am going through the final, painful thicket of ideas that is the ‘theoretical’ section of my dissertation. “This is what my brain feels like”:http://www.geocities.com/heartland/ranch/1201/oandkrh400.html?200528. These two paragraphs just took me literally an hour to write/revise:

“But mining, like cannibalism, “is always symbolic, even when it is ‘real’” (Sahlins 1983:). It is important to realize that both the semiotic and technical aspects of mining are flip sides of the same coin. As the “pragmatic-poetic turn” of contemporary linguistic anthropology (the term is from Silverstein 2004:623; other prominent statements regarding this turn might be found in Silverstein and Urban 1996 and Baumann and Briggs 1990) has demonstrated, all human interaction requires the deployment of a shared set of sociocultural concepts in order to ensure that interaction coheres to create “a coherent, intersubjectively accomplished interactional text, the interpersonal achievement of a ‘doing’ of something – an instance of some generically understood social act – to which more than one individual has contributed” (Silverstein 1998:270) This is true even of perilinguistic interactions such as those that occur in Porgera’s open pit, where the operators of, say a Catepillar 769 haul truck and an O&K RH8 excavator, must work together to dislodge material from the open pit and transfer it from the bucket of the excavator to the back of the 769 without either of the operators being killed — a remarkably easy thing to do in a line of work where the tires of your vehicle are taller than you are. While the complex figuration of text in context in the course of the linguistically mediated interaction of Mr. A and Mr. B described by Silverstein (2004:623-625) may be poetically more complex than the ‘doing-something’ of shoveling ore into the back of a truck, it is none the less true that even miners must invoke sociocultural conceptions, inhabit roles, and share a set ’standard operating procedures’ that will regiment action if the most elemental aspect of mining is to occur without mishap. This “mutual tuning-in relationship,” as Schutz (1964:161) called it, is always metapragmatically regimented, regardless of the antintellectualism inherent in the ethnometapragmatics of any single miner who is engaged in the improvisational performance of ‘mining’ in realtime discursive practice.

The question of how to keep the mine open, then, is shot through with two dimensions which are interrelated, rather than opposed. Looked at from the point of view of engineering – moving the physical materials which are insensible to the semiotics of our lives – the logistics involved in keeping the mine open requires ‘practical’ and ‘real’ action: you can not talk the gold out of a mine and modulo the inevitably culturally shaped means and ends that determine what and how ought to be mined, the physical nature of the resource creates technical imperatives which must be met. But every human being who is part of the complex chain of logistics that runs from machine operators in the open pit to people signing checks in Vancouver deploys some sort of narrative about who they are and what they are doing which permits the technically complex coordination of action of thousands of individuals that results in the creation of bars of pure gold. Keeping the mine open is thus shot through with both engineering and signification.”

On 4 April I posted Tommy’s very smart and funny “Major Anglophone Anthropology Departments as Fashion Brands”:http://alex.golub.name/log/?p=381 table on my website, where it was received with thunderous silence — at least in the comments (I can’t be bothered to check my server logs to see who is reading the blog these days, since this takes time that would be better spent dissertating). Now, eight days later I see that it has been forwarded by the departmental secretary to more or less the entire anthropology department, who says she has received it “from numerous sources” and that it’s great fun. What happened in between? I can’t think of another electronic copy that is circulating. Is this thing floating around the noosphere, or is Chicago (my department) just in some sort of self-appreciating feedback loop? It’s an interesting question because I realized after I posted it perhaps most anthropologists aren’t familiar enough with the different flavors of these departments to actually _get_ the joke. I mean, how many American Anthropologists even know where the ANU is? Or perhaps my intuitions lead me astray? At any rate, this has made me think a bit about what and who and how anthropologists read when they read the intarweb.

I’m just at the very edge of the F/OSS world, and so I’ve always enjoyed the uber-idea aggregators at O’Reilly. Tim’s stuff in particular has always been super resonant and mind-expanding for me. Their ability to intuit and articulate future trends is useful, at least to someone like me. Now there’s the “O’Reilly Radar Blog”:http://radar.oreilly.com/. I’m excited and hope it will live up to its potential.

Second, this brief post at Zengestrom.com on “object-centered social networking services”:http://www.zengestrom.com/blog/2005/04/why_some_social.html puts its finger on something very important that I was hoping no one would articulate until I had time to write about it. Let me just say in a compressed, occulted form the idea that is driving my research on virtual worlds: Social networks are not so much object-centered as _project-centered_. The ability to provide a project to hang a society on is what makes game type virutal worlds more interesting than Second Life. But more on that later.

That’s what I want. Exactly like Bloglines (not citeulike or delicious, where you find articles and tage them), but with academic journals instead of blogs. I’d have different folders for different things I’m interested in, and every month or quarter or year or whatever I’d get the title and abstract of each article on the table of contents as a separate entry.

Has this been done yet?

The Chapter is finished. Too tired to blog. More links instead.

Excellent, Smithers!! Ron May’s new volume of essays on PNG’s political history, “State and Society in Papua New Guinea: The First Twenty-Five Years”:http://epress.anu.edu.au/sspng_citation.htm is available on line as part of the ANU’s noble and far-seeing “e-press print on demand”:http://epress.anu.edu.au/titles.htm program.

And you know what’s even better? “OHK Spate’s”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oskar_Spate “The Spanish Lake”:http://epress.anu.edu.au/spanish_lake_citation.htm is also available. How awesome is that?

The ANU also is _finally_ making dissertations available on line via the “Australian Digital Theses Program”:http://thesis.anu.edu.au/, including “Leah Horowitz’s”:http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20031015.150235/index.html. Resources for kiwi theses are “here”:http://www.library.auckland.ac.nz/subjects/anthro/nzpdissertations.htm

The ACM has an issue of their communications with a “section on blogging”:http://portal.acm.org/toc.cfm?id=1035134&type=issue&coll=ACM&dl=ACM&CFID=41258676&CFTOKEN=50278905#1035160 (subscription requires afaik :( ). This includes an article by Cass Sunstein on how browsing on the web prevents us from encountering opposing points of view. He’s said this before, in republic.com. I have no idea why he persists in writing about this — the whole point of the internet is tapping into the expertise of other people’s networks. And as for the internet being an ‘echo chamber’ — has this guy spent anytime on message boards? I know he lives in a vibrant, multicultural city with tons of people. But for most of us — including him — it is far easier to stumble across vigorous antisemitism or rabid flat earthers online than it is in real life.

This week marks the start of the “Book of Leviticus”:http://www.hareidi.org/bible/Leviticus1.htm#1 for all of who follow the Laws of the God of Jacob. Leviticus is one of my favorite books of the bible because of all the rich ethnography. I mean: it’s sacrificetastic! When I finished reading this week’s portion I gave a sort of self-satisfied sigh as I figured how an anthropological theory of sacrifice could make sense of a Torah portion that many Jews consider weird and unrelated to their lives. I thought to myself: “Ah, my discipline really _does_ construct models with genuine analytic ability.”

Then I pulled myself up short and realized that modern anthropological theories of sacrifice more or less originated with “William Robertson Smith’s”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Robertson_Smith ground-breaking work _Lecures on the Religion of the Semites_. See kids, this is why you can’t just read forty pages of Foucault and claim to be versed in ‘anthropological theory’ or produce a theoretical work on ‘global flows’ which just unknowngly recapitulates notions of ‘diffusion’ and ‘acculturation’. If you don’t have that deep knowledge of Books of Enduring Worth you’re going to end up thinking anthropology explains disused Jewish sacrificial rites when in fact it’s the other way around.

Then I thought to myself: Jeez, there’s got to be a copy of _Religion of the Semites_ online for free. And indeed, my friends, “there is”:http://www.cwru.edu/univlib/preserve/Etana/Lectures/Lectures.html. In fact, the same people who made that classic text available also have about “seven hundred”:http://lib16.library.vanderbilt.edu/diglib/abzu-processquery.pl?SID=&UID=&auth=&selectsearch=etana&searchstring=active&sort=alpha other “titles on the Ancient Near East”:http://lib16.library.vanderbilt.edu/diglib/abzu-processquery.pl?selectsearch=ebooks&searchstring=active&sort=alpha

And oh yeah, just in case you think I forgot, here’s a “little bit of Mauss and Hubert fo’ dat ass”:http://www.uqac.uquebec.ca/zone30/Classiques_des_sciences_sociales/classiques/mauss_marcel/melanges_hist_religions/t2_sacrifice/sacrifice_tdm.html

_Old School Anthropological Theory 4evar!!!!_

Since “Kerim’s touched on the subject”:http://keywords.oxus.net/archives/2005/03/16/race/ I’ll mention a few more things. First, “Troy Duster”:http://www.rockridgeinstitute.org/people/duster (“CV”:http://sociology.fas.nyu.edu/attach/938) has a “nice, brief piece”:http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2003/03/17/ED263680.DTL on pharmacogenetics that is worth checking out. Of course, those of you who are more old-school may prefer “Buffon’s Of the varieties of the human species“:http://www.geocities.com/Paris/Chateau/6110/buffon/1varieties.htm. Of course there is indeed such a thing as the liberal knee-jerk reaction against _any_ account of the genetics of human difference. A more troubling issue is not anthropologists who are ignorant of genetics, but geneticists who apparently weren’t made to read any social science as undergraduates. Our tools for understanding biology are becoming more and more sophisticated, but the sophistication of the concepts some people use to analyze this data appears to be staying more or less the same. In the past — particularly during the AAA meeting fiascos — I felt that anthropology’s four field approach was growing more and more obsolete. Aracheologists were talking with GIS and imaging people, socio-culturals were interested in cultural studies, physical anthros were doing more and more bioinformatics and population genetics, and the linguists had always been sort of attached to philology. I thought: “that’s cool with me.” More and more, however, the archaeology I read seems to benefit from a deep engagement with the anthropological literature (_including_ the literature on ethnicity, thank you very much) and discussions like this make it clear that physical/biological and sociocultural types need to stick together if our ability to make good sense of biological data is going to keep up with out ability to collect it.

Ok I am done with race now. My obsession will now shift to the topic of strong societies and weak states and New Institutional Economics.

My class just finished our section on _What Does It Mean to be 98% Chimpanzee_ today. I admit there are some reasons not to like this book, but overall I find it timely (rather than cobbled together out of a bunch of articles), wide-ranging (rather than unfocused), trenchant (rather than ‘trollish’) and ‘important’ (i.e. I agree with Marks and hence he is preaching to the converted as far as I am concerned). I particularly enjoy when he completely looses it and starts totally flaming his opponent’s position:

To say that statement was “wrong” would imply that we really know the proportion [of Asian and African genes in Europeans] to be, say, 80:20, rather than 65:35. To call it wrong would be a massive understatement. It is _less_ than wrong; it is not _even_ wrong. (italics in original)

I so do _not_ want to turn this blog into a forum on race and genetics. It’s so tiring. Nonetheless I thought I’d do a round up on some links and reccomendations I’ve gotten from readers in response to my previous post.

First, “Kerim”:http://keywords.oxus.net/ points to Loic Wacquaint’s essay “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”:http://www.newleftreview.net/NLR24703.shtml at New Left Review (subscription necessary :( ) while an ASAO homie reccomends “Ruth Wilson Gilmore”:http://www.speakoutnow.org/People/RuthWilsonGilmore.html (“CV here”:http://www.usc.edu/dept/geography/private/faculty/cvs/Wilson_Gilmore_CV.pdf), both of whom talk about how a lot a lot of people are getting locked up. I know that I’ve mentioned him on this blog before, but it’s worth noting again the work of “John Hoberman’s”:http://www.utexas.edu/depts/german/faculty/hoberman.html (“CV here”:http://www.utexas.edu/depts/german/faculty/HobermanVita.htm). His original work was on Jews, Nazis, race, and so forth. His most recent book, “Darwin’s Athletes”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0395822920/qid=1110586958/sr=2-1/ref=pd_bbs_b_2_1/102-4114845-8819356 is about the search for racial athletic aptitude. The amazon reviews are mixed, with everyone who identifies as a pro-nature type giving it 1 star and everybody who identifies as a pro-nurture type giving it five. I am only about twenty pages in, but it impresses me as a careful and well-documented book which if much more careful than either of these polarized positions. Thus:

A critique of the search for racial athletic aptitude can be legitimized on both scientific and humanitarian grounds. It is easy enough to show that a great deal of naive speculation about purported racial differences has appeared in scientific and medical journals; indeed, many examples of such biased thinking are presented in this book. We can also point to the malign role that racial science has often played in human affairs over the past two centuries. Yet it is also the case that these arguments can take the form of a disingenuous (and unscientific) opposition to the investigation of racial differences per se on the grounds that they are either too trivial or too potentially dangerous to examine.

So that seems promising.

Finally: *Zimbardo* on abuse in Abu Gharaib:”You Can’t be a Sweet Cucumber in a Vinegar Barrel”:http://edge.org/3rd_culture/zimbardo05/zimbardo05_index.html:

When you put that set of horrendous work conditions and external factors together, it creates an evil barrel. You could put virtually anybody in it and you’re going to get this kind of evil behavior. The Pentagon and the military say that the Abu Ghraib scandal is the result of a few bad apples in an otherwise good barrel. That’s the dispositional analysis. The social psychologist in me, and the consensus among many of my colleagues in experimental social psychology, says that’s the wrong analysis. It’s not the bad apples, it’s the bad barrels that corrupt good people. Understanding the abuses at this Iraqi prison starts with an analysis of both the situational and systematic forces operating on those soldiers working the night shift in that ‘little shop of horrors.’

If anyone would know it would be him.

“This guy”:http://www.streightsite.blogspot.com/ is writing “a book about blogs”:http://www.blogpros.blogspot.com/ and asked me to contribute. Frankly the website looks like the Yes Men doing a parody of a late-nineties Fast Company type consulting firm. But the letter he sent me was only slightly formletter-ish and he even sent me a ‘reminder’ that I hadn’t replied to him, which I thought indicated either 1) some level of personal oversight or 2) some commendable scripting abilities on the mass email front. The responses that he’s gotten so far say things like “by spending my time thinking about what I’m writing rather than how I’m writing it and how I’m going to get it published, I’ve been able to refine my weblogs over time to find the synergistic intersection between my professional interests and those of my industry space.” Ladies and gentlemen, I am here to tell you today I think about the synergistic intersection of my industry space _all the time_, as evinced by the questions and answers provided below:

Why did you decide to start your Golublog anthropology blog?

My blog began as a result of fascism and genetic engineering.

In October 1999 I arrived in the Porgera Valley of Enga Province, Papua New Guinea with funds from a schwanky Fulbright grant burning a hole in my pocket to begin what ended up being a two year stay. There I shared a 32 square meter tin-sided house with a family of five. The result: little meterage per person, although they were very kind and gave me more than my fair share of space. Like most anthropologists, I found my initial immersion in a foreign culture exciting but also unrelenting and deeply exhausting. Soon, following a time-honored tradition, I found myself resorting to increasingly desperate attempts at self-deception and escapism to ignore the fact that I had, in fact, signed up for fieldwork in a place which lacked not only _biftek au poivre_ and the occasional oaky cabernet, but showers, bread, laundry, and beds. As I honed my ability to judge exactly how many fleas were in my sleeping bag, I retreated further and further into the few escapist venues that I had brought with me from the First World.

While less technically adept anthropologists reveled in literature and novels I choose the much more engrossing expedient of immersing myself in _Civilization: Call To Power_. As I sunk deeper into denial about my situation my ability to play Civ increased beyond even the eldritch levels of competence I had acquired while procrastinating during the composition of my M.A. Slowly, however, even this grew to be less and less solace as the AI’s ability to challenge me decreased. My mood was particularly darkened by the fact that the only way to triumph over the AI at the very highest levels of play involved ruling with a fascist government, developing genetic engineering, and then plowing through my opponent’s continents with scientifically hardened browshirted troops. It was at that point that I turned off the computer, gave into escapist fiction, and picked up Anna Karenina. In fact I read a lot of good books during my fieldwork — _Gravity’s Rainbow_, _Wind Up Bird Chronicles_, _Cryptonomicon_, _The Brothers Karamozov_, _Infinite Jest_, _Underworld_, and, incongruously, a copy of _Cry, The Beloved Country_ that was in my house when I arrived.

It is very common for graduate students to get halfway through their doctoral programs before they realize exactly how much they have given up when they signed up for a Ph.D. They watch their friends get married, settle down, have kids, have houses, have jobs, have _fun_ — all while they are still living on US$10,000 a year and cooking the same Economy Lentil Diet they ate during college. But this realization never really hits home more fully until you are in the central highlands of Papua New Guinea reading _Anna Karenina_ and contemplating how many fleas are in your sleeping bag. My interest in Papua New Guinea dated back to my studies as an undergraduate and so my arrival in the field represented the culmination of over a half-decade study of the country. It was supposed to be the culmination of an already-promising young career. It ended up reminding me how much I missed the things I had given up to get there.

As a result I swore that when I got back I would try to ressurect that creative part of myself I had lost track of when I became a social scientist. When finally returned in late 2001 I found I had missed two very big years. My first reaction to coming home was “What do you mean George Bush is President again?!” The second thing was Harry Potter — the first time I heard the name of Harry Potter was on the BART on my way into San Francisco when two people reading books with the name “Harry Potter” emblazoned on them starting talking to each other and mutually admitted to ‘reading all of his books over and over again’. I assumed he was some sort of Fundamentalist Christian self-help guru, something it would take a _very_ embarassing gaffe at a party to realize was not, in fact, strictly true. 9/11 happened less than two months after I arrived in-country, but now is not the right time to talk about that. Finally, I arrived only to find I had missed the internet bubble, and so I went through all of the hype and excitement about the internet that took most people two years to work through in the space of a couple of afternoons. What else could I do but start a blog?

Over time my blog has morphed from a personal diary (now intensely embarassing to me but mundane to others) to an attempt to think out loud about what had happened to the internet since I left it (which temporarily turned me into a pretty well-known blogger), to a place to experiment in fiction (which resulted in two novels). I blogged stuff that should have been privateand figured out, like so many of us to, where I felt comfortable drawing lines. In particular I realized that entries about how drunk I had gotten while talking about Levinas at parties were not what I needed to make sure I had a web presence that would facilitate getting a faculty position. Also I realized that I had a limited about of mojo in me and I had to choose between writing my dissertation (and, by extension, other scholarly work) and experimenting as a writer, blogger, poet, healer, lover etc. It was a difficult choice, for I know the world needs some good good loving. Nonetheless, I decided to focus more on anthropology. This ended up working well since it corresponded with a growth in my own interest in copyright reform and open source scholarship, so the latest version of this blog seems to make sense. At least in my head.

There’s a longer, better story involving “snow monkeys”:http://alex.golub.name/oldlog/archives/2002_03.html#000025 which sketches in the details starting from my much earlier history in highschool, etc. but I’ll leave that to one side for now.

What do you think makes a blog successful? (attributes, measurements) — and your blog in particular?

In general? The synergistic intersection between someone’s professional interests and their industry space. In my case? Lightsabers.

This week my intro anthro class is studying race. Explaining why ‘race’ and folk heredity are bad science but omnipresent cultural constructs is something that every anthropology professor has to do over and over and over again. I sometimes find the anthropological knee-jerk against race unsatisfying because it often takes the form of a a sort of blind prejudice “culture determines everything and biology determines nothing and if you don’t agree with me you’re racist” sort of deal. Also, a lot of the time anthropological critiques of race show how race is a cultural construct and differs from place to place. While this is true, it doesn’t answer most students’ question — are human beings naturally divisible into a small number of discrete groups with differing natural characteristics and abilities? I mean, _all_ beliefs are cultural constructs, but whether they are _accurate_ or not is another question. Contemporary natural science is a cultural construct with a complex historical genealogy — but that by itself doesn’t mean I should fear driving over bridges because the engineers ‘just had culture’. Even more thoughtful critiques of authority of bench science like those found in science studies tend to make students eyes glaze over — you need to spend a _lot_ of time in graduate school before you’d trust Latour over Mayr. So I like to teach Jonathan Marks’s “What Does It Mean to be 98% Chimpanzee”:http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9172.html, since Marks (who, god bless him, has “PDFs of all his articles free online”:http://personal.uncc.edu/jmarks/pubs/main.html) deals with issues of genetics straight on and attempts to distinguish genetic science from folk heredity. It’s a snarky, pugnacious book that is highly readable and manages to squeeze in interesting little bits on the history of physical anthropology as well. I’d highly reccomend it.

At any rate, I spend a lot of the class slowly unprying my student’s idea of race. “Why are so many african americans professional athletes?” becomes “Why are so many professional athletes african american?” (because there are millions of african americans and very very few professional athletes). Then I try a thought experiment: if excellence in athletics is explained by genetic endowment, perhaps Australia’s dominance in Rugby League is due to the Australian Rugby gene? Obviously not, say my students, since Australians are white, and our weirdo American intuitions only like genetic explanations for non-white people.

Then I point to “Amartya Sen’s”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amartya_Sen work in “Development as Freedom”:http://www.oup.co.uk/isbn/0-19-829758-0 which demonstrates that African Americans are less likely to live to 45 (if they reach the age of fifteen, i.e. with adjustments made for infant mortality) than people in rural India and China. Also I believe — although this is off the top of my head with NO evidence to back it up — based on current projections any african american born today has a 30% chance of being incarcerated. Perhaps african americans have the ‘third world conditions in first world countries gene’? (By the way, the reference to Sen’s article “The Economics of Life and Death” is incorrect in at least my version of Development as Freedom — his argument on mortality rates is actually located “here”:http://www.citeulike.org/user/rex/article/116927) None of this is an _argument_ about race, of course — it’s just some thought experiments to limber up people’s heads. Marks does most of the genetics arguments.

One of my students, however, asked me for more information about the prison and mortality figures. Now, due to my sense of professionalism, I can’t go around inflicting my lefty personal leanings on my students, and so in class I try to be very balanced. However, I am now BLOGGING so to everyone who is reading this I reccomend “Angela Davis’s”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angela_Davis latest book “Are Prisons Obsolete?”:http://www.sevenstories.com/Book/index.cfm?GCOI=58322100778090. It’s _only seven dollars_ if you order it from Seven Stories Press, who put it out. Come on, aren’t your NPR reflexes just aching to buy this _progressive political book_ by a _strong, independent woman of color_ from a _small, independent publisher_? You know you want to.

The other option, of course, is to read “Angela Davis’s 1992 interview with Ice Cube”:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0041-1191%281992%290%3A58%3C174%3ANH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7 (JSTOR enabled only :( ). Word up.

The amount of Free/Open Source Scholarship on the internet continues to skyrocket. On February 23 the University of California unveiled it’s “eScholarship”:http://repositories.cdlib.org/escholarship/ service as part of the “California Digital Library”:http://www.cdlib.org/ that I blogged about “earlier”:http://alex.golub.name/log/?p=305 — it’s sort of like “the Australian Nationa University’s ePrints service”:http://eprints.anu.edu.au/ except with less meat pies and Blundstone boots. So far there are just over 6,000 papers available for download. This is exciting news for those of us who thought ‘i-’ was on the verge of stealing the “Sexy Technology Prefix” title away from ‘e-’, which has held it since it usurped ‘cyber-’ in 1998.

My ASAO homies have also pointed out “Eldis”:http://www.eldis.org/, a sort of gateway for information about developing countries hosted at the University of Sussex. They feature free dowloadable reports from various NGOs and UN type agencies — there are “over thirty about Papua New Guinea”:http://www.eldis.org/dbtw-wpd/exec/dbtwpcgi.exe?QB0=AND&QF0=DE@DOCNO&QI0=Papua+New+Guinea*&MR=20&TN=a1&DF=f1&RF=s1&DL=0&RL=0&NP=3&MF=countmsg.ini&AC=QBE_QUERY&XC=/dbtw-wpd/exec/dbtwpcgi.exe&BU=http%3A//www.eldis.org/search.htm available for download. The “British Library for Development Studies”:http://blds.ids.ac.uk/blds/ a roughly similar institution, also has “articles on Papua New Guinea”:http://blds.ids.ac.uk/cgi-bin/dbtcgi.exe?$BOOL+0=AND&TI%7CDE=Papua+New+Guinea*&$BOOL+1=AND&YR=%3E2000&$BOOL+2=OR&CPROF=Papua+New+Guinea*&$TEXTBASE_PATH=d:\Inetpub\wwwroot\data\&$TEXTBASE_NAME=blds&$MAXRECS=12&$NOREPORT=0&$NODISPLAY=0&$REPORT_FORM=country as well as a nifty “country profile”:http://www.eldis.org/dbtw-wpd/exec/dbtwpcgi.exe?QB0=AND&QF0=GEOG&QI0=Papua+New+Guinea&MR=20&TN=country&DF=countrynew&RF=countrynew&DL=0&RL=0&NP=3&MF=countmsg.ini&AC=QBE_QUERY&XC=/dbtw-wpd/exec/dbtwpcgi.exe&BU=http%3A//www.eldis.org/search.htm with links to overviews from the IMF and so forth.

If you are looking for some non-free treeware to read, you might want to check out two of the lesser-known but still interesting literary awards that are out there: “The Gustavus Myers Center for the Study of Bigotry and Human Rights”:http://www.myerscenter.org/ (hint: they are anti-bigotry) has released it’s “2004 Book Award Winners”:http://www.myerscenter.org/pages/04winners.htm. In addition, the “Charles Taylor Prize for Literary Nonfiction”:http://www.myerscenter.org/pages/04winners.htm (no, not that Charles Taylor) recently gave its 2005 award to “The Last Heathen: Encounters with Ghosts and Ancestors in Melanesia”:http://www.thecharlestaylorprize.ca/2005/winner2005.htm. I’ve heard complaints about the book from — of all people — the Anglican Bishop of Malaita, but that just sort of makes me more interested. Finally, a whole gaggle of Authentically Respectable Pacific Scholars have put together a nice issue of Common Places Magazine entitled “Pacific Crossings”:http://www.common-place.org/ that is well worth a look.

The most recent edition of my Alma Mater’s “Alumni Magazine”:http://web.reed.edu/reed_magazine/feb2005/index.html features two stories of note. One, from “George Weiblen”:http://geo.cbs.umn.edu/ involves “looking for new species of fig-eating wasps in Madang, PNG”:http://web.reed.edu/reed_magazine/feb2005/features/science_in_village/index.html. The other is by my coconspirator in the Reed Domination of Anthropology Campaign 2006 “Katherine Verdery”:http://www.lsa.umich.edu/anthro/faculty_staff/verdery.html, who writes on “land ownership in post-Socialist Eastern Europe”:http://web.reed.edu/reed_magazine/feb2005/features/bitter_harvest/index.html.

Kerim Friedman, the author of “the keywords blog”:http://keywords.oxus.net/ has posted his recently-completed diss for all and sundry to scrutinize. “Learning “Local” Languages: Passive Revolution, Language Markets, and Aborigine Education in Taiwan.”:http://kerim.oxus.net/contents/learning-local-languages/ looks to be very interesting, particularly for a half-sinophile household such as mine. There’s a nod to Bambi Schieffelin in the acknowledgements which sort of tells you where he’s coming from.

Gratz on leveling Kerim! Hopefully I’ll be doing the same before too long.

“Peter Pels”:http://leidsewetenschappers.leidenuniv.nl/show_en.php3?medewerker_id=768 and “George Gmelch”:http://www.union.edu/PUBLIC/ANTDEPT/ggmelch.htm

Articles by both of them are in my queue. Someday, someday I’ll have time to read again.

A student of my Scarily Erudite Beloved has expressed an interest in an old blog entry of min on Feng Mengbo. Since it isn’t very easily accessible anymore I’ve reposted it at “The DGI website”:http://digitalgenres.org/?q=node/19. I must say I’m pretty pleased at how well it hold up now, three years later.

Two more scholars who got the nod as a result of my post of “popular ethnographies”:http://alex.golub.name/log/index.php?p=324, both from University of London affiliated schools.

Over at “Goldsmiths”:http://www.goldsmiths.ac.uk/ (who, by the way, get kudos for using the excellent “moodle”:http://moodle.org/ for their online stuff) I’ve been pointed to “Rebecca Cassidy”:http://www.goldsmiths.ac.uk/departments/anthropology/staff/r-cassidy.php, who studies ideas of ‘nature’, blood, and heredity in racehorse breeding and training and class, race, kinship and gender amongst racing professionals. Her first book, “The Sport of Kings”:http://www.cambridge.org/uk/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=052100487X is available through Cambridge, which is good because all of the articles she’s published have been in journals that are utterly, utterly unavailable to me. My knowledge of the UK scene is very partial, but Rebecca’s project seems to me to fit into the whole Carsten/Strathern thing in a very very ingenious way and I’d love to read some of her stuff.

Meanwhile, over at “SOAS”:http://www.soas.ac.uk/ we have “David Mosse”:http://www.soas.ac.uk/staff/staffinfo.cfm?contactid=95, who wins the award for ‘academic who looks the most like Willem Dafoe in his staff photo’. His book “The Rule of Water”:http://www.oup.com/us/catalog/general/subject/Politics/ComparativePolitics/IndiaPakistan/?view=usa&ci=0195661370 looks like it combines anthro with natural resource management and more poli sci type stuff — part of the anthropology of development which is yet _another_ area I’d like to read up on.

The University of California Press is having “a mammoth sale”:http://www.ucpress.edu/books/sale/faq.html#jkt — if you sign up to be on their mailing list they give you a code for up to 65% discounts on hardcovers. Basically these are remainder pricings, essentially, so if you are willing to wait some of these might show up on Amazon for about the same price, or wait until they come to the Huge Used Bookstore in your metropolis. If you live on an island in the middle of the Pacific, however, then ordering books like “The Political Landscape”:http://www.ucpress.edu/books/sale/pages/9963.html, “Forget Colonialism”:http://www.ucpress.edu/books/sale/pages/9281.html, or “Media Worlds”:http://www.ucpress.edu/books/sale/pages/9048.html seems titilating and exciting. And don’t worry, unlike “White Saris and Sweet Mangoes”:http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft458006c0/ these are all books that are new, good, and _aren’t_ available for free on-line.

Two quick links to demonstrate how uneven online encyclopedias can be: The government of New Zealand has a “new, bilingual encyclopedia of New Zealand”:http://www.teara.govt.nz/ online. I think they’re still adding content to it, but the front-end is very pretty. Currently there is no entry for ‘”moko”http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moko ‘ or ‘”Crowded House”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crowded_House” (which, _ahem_, Wikipedia does). But they do have the entirety of the 1960s edition of the Encyclopedia of New Zealand on-line, so that’s something.

Then, on the other hand, there is “anthropology.net”:http://anthropology.net/, run by “Kambriz Kambrani”:http://kambiz.kamrani.net/. I first saw the sight when he added it as a useful sight on the anthropology page of wikipedia and have been checking out his three or four reinstalls of the software ever since, watching him add and re-add the ‘anthropology’ entry to the site. I think the idea is that it’s terrible that there is no anthropology-centric wiki around and so if he sets it up then it will Magically Fill With Content. I wonder, though, if he appreciates how work anthropologists have put into the wikipedia — including such gargantuan (indeed, _too_ gargantuan) efforts such as “the wikipedia entry on Franz Boas”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franz_Boas which blows Sol Tax’s little entry in Britannica out of the water. Given the way anthropology.net has been handled so far, I’m not about to about to jump ship and start writing on it after having spent so much time hand-crafting hoppy, light and refreshing entries on “Henri Hubert”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henri_Hubert, “Karl Polanyi”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Polanyi, and “A.M. Hocart”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Maurice_Hocart.

To the extent that he is remembered at all, Lewis Feuer is remembered as an echt-Jewish leftie who (like “Karl Wittfogel”:http://www.riseofthewest.net/thinkers/wittfogel01.htm ) turned into a full-on HUAC style anti-communist in the 1950s. I gather that he is mostly remembered today for some early critiques of the Frankfurt school and his own work on J.S. Mill and the Philosophy of Science he isn’t much remembered.

One part of his career that certainly isn’t remembered is the time he spent during World War II in “New Caledonia”:http://www.newcaledoniatourism-south.com/home.cfm?&CFID=812434&CFTOKEN=61653876 where he became embroiled in the colonial politics of Asian indentured laborers in New Caledonia’s mines. Having just spent a week with a New Caledonian researcher who hadn’t heard of this brief but tantalizing literature, I thought I’d make a note of it here — it is certainly easy to miss.

*Lewis Feuer in New Caledonia*
(all articles are by Lewis Feuer)

1946. “Cartel Control in New Caledonia”. Far Eastern Survey XV (June 19), 184-187.

1946. “End of Coolie Labor in New Caledonia”. Far Eastern Survey XV (August 24), 264-267.

1982. “South Pacific Memoir”. The New Leader LXVIII (1) (January 9), 22.

1988. “Autobiographical Essay”. In Philosophy, history, and social action : essays in honor of Lewis Feuer. Edited by Sidney Hook, William L. O’Neill, and Roger O’Toole. Boston : Kluwer Academic Publishers, p. 20-26.

If for some reason there are more Lewis Feuerites out there who have other references to his New Caledonia do drop me a line in the comments.

*Update:*

Kathy Creely points out:

Ismet Kurtovitch 2000. A Communist Party in New Caledonia (1941–1948). Journal of Pacific History 35(2)

Abstract:

During and immediately after the Second World War, in common with all French colonies, New Caledonia experienced intense political upheaval. It is little known that both the political awakening of the native people and the successful questioning of colonial authority by immigrant Asian workers had their origins in a political movement with communist sympathies.. Led by strong and colour personalities – Jeanne Tunica y Casas, Florindo Paladini, Vincent Bouquet, Henri Naisseline, Henri Lemonnier – the Caledonian Communist Party, which had regular contacts with its Australian and French counterparts, knew how to present the first Kanak political claims and to set up an embryonic political organisation by and for Kanaks. The present article recounts this forgotten page of New Caledonian history: forgotton because the Christian missions, allied with the colonial administration, were quick to nip in the bud what appeared to be too radical a questioning of the established order.

It’s happened once again — another ‘first contact’ story from New Guinea. This time it’s an “article by Michael Behar”:http://outside.away.com/outside/destinations/200502/fist-contact_1.html in Outsider Magazine that’s recently been “featured on NPR”:http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4493348 . Sometimes anthropology’s knee-jerk, politically correct reactions drive me nuts, but in this case the article is so over the top that it’s difficult to take it — or Kelly Woolford, the tour operator it portrays — seriously at all. Lines about ’stone age cannibals’ litter the pages.

This is particularly bothersome to me, since first contact in New Guinea is one of my academic specialities. I first got interested in the topic in 1995, when I wrote a “BA thesis”:http://library-catalog.reed.edu/search/aGolub&/agolub/1%2C33%2C46%2CB/frameset&FF=agolub+alex&1%2C1%2C comparing first-contact patrols in Papua New Guinea that occurred between 1926 and 1939. There is by now a burgeoning literature on the subject. Some of the books, such as “Like People You See In A Dream”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0804718997/qid=1108059528/sr=1-1/ref=sr_1_1/002-7758230-2549624?v=glance&s=books and “The Sky Travellers”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0522848273/qid=1108059664/sr=1-2/ref=sr_1_2/002-7758230-2549624?v=glance&s=books are among the best books ever written about New Guinea. Others, like “First Contact”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0670801674/qid=1108059741/sr=1-4/ref=sr_1_4/002-7758230-2549624?v=glance&s=books are great yarns. Still others, like “The Lost Tribe”:http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0805053182/qid=1108059788/sr=1-1/ref=sr_1_1/002-7758230-2549624?v=glance&s=books are wretched accounts of ignorant and unethical white guys dressing up their own bunglings as ‘adventure’. My own research on first contact in Porgera occupies a major part of my first book, “Gold Positive.”:http://uhmanoa.lib.hawaii.edu/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?v1=3&ti=1,3&SAB1=golub&BOOL1=all+of+these&FLD1=Keyword+Anywhere+%28GKEY%29+%28GKEY%29&GRP1=AND+with+next+set&SAB2=&BOOL2=all+of+these&FLD2=Keyword+Anywhere+%28GKEY%29+%28GKEY%29&GRP2=AND+with+next+set&SAB3=&BOOL3=all+of+these&FLD3=Keyword+Anywhere+%28GKEY%29+%28GKEY%29&PID=3966&CNT=25&SEQ=20050210082552&SID=1 I’ve even taught “a course”:http://library.kcc.hawaii.edu/external/psiweb/melanesia/First_Contact_Syllabus.htm on this topic at the University of Chicago (which is no small shakes). And this is not to mention the many classic travelogues that emerged from New Guinea that are still available to be read today: _Across New Guinea from the Fly to the Sepik_, _Papuan Wonderland_, _The Land That Time Forgot_, and so on.

In short, there is so much that we know and understand about first contanct in New Guinea — don’t even get me started on other parts of the world — that the appearence of this article and the universal condemnation of the tour operator described in it should be a relatively simple affair. But this is one dream that people are simply not willing to give up on, and so when what anthropologists say about this doesn’t match what they want to hear, they simply ignore it.

There’s so much wrong with this tour operator I really don’t know where to begin. But in case you were wondering: however cynical Behar is about this encounter, you should be even twice as cynical.

A week or so ago I asked the question “what are the most popular ethnographies today that give you a sense of where the field is going, or at least what is popular right now?” With the help of a few friends, some commentors, a very large gin and tonic, and the internet, I came up with a few names I had never (or only vaguely) heard of before. Let me know if this makes sense of seems completely off to you.

First, Cori Hayden’s new book When Nature Goes Public: The Making and Biomaking of Bioprospecting in Mexica is the only ethnography that was mentioned by two separate people. My weakest area is the New World (the last ethnography of North America I read was Lesser’s “The Pawnee Ghost Dance Hand Game”). Cori is teaching at Berkeley, just finished a leave at Cambridge, and her book came out at Princeton. The blurbs on the back of the book are from Rayna Rapp and Rosemary Coombe, which in the gnomic, haiku-like combinatory game which is ‘blurbs on the back’ indicates a quirky but hip affiliation. In addition bioprospecting is a cool topic. So there you go: When Nature Goes Public.

Another area where I am remarkably shaky is medical anthropology. And this despite the fact that this field seems still to be very very popular. Perhaps it is for this reason that I am the last person in the world to discover the work of Paul Farmer. This is a name I’ve heard around and have now decided to read, thus making me possibly the last person in the world to notice this Harvard-affiliated, NPR-featured author. I mean the guy’s already got a biography out and he’s still churning out books and papers. Aids and Accusation appears on many of the Medical Anthropology syllabi that I looked at, but is now over a decade old. His most recent book, Pathologies of Power: Health, Human Rights, and the New War on the Poor is more recent, but seems less ethnographic — a Popular Book For The Educated Layman With Progressive Politics.

My knowledge of Africa is also very, very poor (again, recent ethnographies like “Divinity and Experience Among the Dinka” are about all I can come up with in this area of the world). And when designing a recent Intro Anthro syllabus the way the days worked out I needed a reading on gender with an ethnographic focus in Africa. Who does Gender In Africa? Dorothy Hodgson does, apparently. Once Intrepid Warriors and “Wicked” Women and the Reconfiguration of Gender in Africa are just four of the books she’s published in the decade since she got her Ph.D. from Ann Arbor. Plus, unlike most scholars who publish four books in ten years, these actually look to be good.

Also on the hot hot ethnography tip is Carloyn Nordstrom, a cheery scholar who has produced such upbeat volumes as The Paths to Domination, Resistance, and Terror, Fieldwork Under Fire: Contemporary Studies of Violence and Survival, and A Different Kind of War Story. Like Farmer’s most recent book, her Shadows of War: Violence, Power, and International Profiteering in the Twneyt-First Century is less ethnography and more public work (and likewise, it’s also part of the University of California’s “Public Anthropology” book series).

There are also numerous runners-up and and Pacific-centric volumes which are worth mentioning. Despite it’s unbelivably ghetto appearence Thomas Hyland Eriksen’s website may be of interest to some. In a recent discussion on anthropology and its relation to the public, a Belgian friend of mine noted that Norway is the only country in the world where anthropologists are taken seriously as public intellectuals. ” ‘What’s going on in Iraq?’ People are demanding,” he said, ” ‘We are very upset that the anthropologists haven’t yet told us what they think about this!’” On his account, Eriksen is responsible for this view in Norway. Yali’s Question: Sugar, Power, and History by Gewertz and Errington has also been published recently. Like many, I was disappointed that their book on the emerging middle class in Papua New Guinea was not up to their usual high standards, and I fear that they may have reached that point where ‘anthropology’ just becomes an exercise in a gracious liberal lifestyle. Still the ambition of the book — to respond critically to Guns Germs and Steel while discussing sugar processing in PNG — is admirable, and if anyone can pull it off it’ll be them.

Also popular with my ASAO homies are two volumes, both focusing on ‘restorative justice’: A Kind of Mending: Restorative Justice in the Pacific Islands and Passage of Change: Law, Society, and Governance in the Pacific. I have a strong sense that ‘restorative justice’ will prove to be the world shaking panacea to match such earlier ideas as “Inegrated Rural Development”. But who and I to poo-poo people trying to make the world a more just and safer place? I suspect that quality of the essays to be uneven, but this is a popular subject, these two volumes are all about it, and Anita Jowitt struck me as very sharp when I met her. A runner up is Holger Jeben’s recent edited volume on Cargo, Cult, and Culture Critique. There is nothing I care less about than cargo cults. But as a Melanesianist you have to read this literature to keep up. Luckily this volume is chock full of great scholars.

Another one that got a nod was Anna Tsing’s Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection. Her work is obviously very intelligent, but some consider it bleeding-edge and a little too touchy-feely. A few years ago I had the chance to take a course with her and can confirm that she is not only incredibly intelligent, but also very very kind. She is always bleeding edge, however — sometimes the work is just a little too avant for me to take seriously (I feel the same ambivalence about the His Con people, who she shares a campus with). Having followed her work I feel like I’ll either love this book to death or really have trouble getting through it. One thing is for sure, though: certain professors with aspirations to Greatness and Public Relevance and the idea of ‘friction’ (borrowed from Klausewitz) is central to their Budding Theoretical Structure. So my bet is that if Tsing’s use of this term becomes widespread then their ability to bring their work into the Big Time will become more and more open to doubt.

So there you have it — a few of the books that I would like to, but will never have the time to, read. Let me know if you think I’m missing anything crucial, that you consider this project to be fundamentally flawed, etc. etc.

Here’s a researcher whose working on the state, violence, and the highlands in Papua New Guinea. Abby McLeod comes highly recommended — her thesis (you can read the abstract) looks very interesting indeed, as does the article she wrote with Phil Gibbs and Nicole Haley (both also extremely good eggs). My inability to get PDFs of Australian dissertations has driven me nuts for MONTHS now. I believe it is easier for me to get theses from France than it is Australia. This makes me cry on the inside. On the other hand, since I haven’t had the time to read Abby’s earlier paper with James “Jimmy” Weiner and Charles Yala despite the fact that I printed it up off of the ANU’s eprint repository (yeah eprint repository!!!) like TWO YEARS AGO I suppose that shifting the already frighteningly “printed material to empty space” ratio of my apartment with Yet Another Highlands Dissertation is perhaps not the best course of action anyway.

Damn. Coutlee3 (whoever they are) has some Amazon lists about anthropology that are pretty right on the money. And that’s a rare thing on Amazon.

Let’s assume that you had, say, a c-note to spend at Amazon.com and you just moved to a city which, while a regional center, is not as centrally located to the throbbing, gristly heart of your discipline as the Major Research University you just left. Which ethnographies/theoretical works would you put on your wishlist? Reply in the comments, please.

Typically I think that if you keep your ear to the ground there is a sense — often unspoken — that there are certain ethnographies that everyone is reading. I still remember that disastrous year in the mid-1990s when everyone at the AAAs thought that The Magical State was the most perfect book ever written. Luckily that didn’t last too long. (I don’t mean to suggest it’s a bad book — just that it’s long and difficult to read if you’re not really really interested in Venezuela and that uniquely South American preoccupation with Marx that pops up from time to time). However anthropologists have this sort of hipster indie-rock thing going on — they always want to be the people who read the book first, before it got featured on NPR and everyone read it. So it’s often difficult to get people to ‘fess up.

This makes it difficult to get a clear sense of where the field is going. However it is understandable — a lot of the hip books have trouble standing up to the test of time, when three years from now the international trade in organs isn’t a cause celebre and people wonder why the editor at the press didn’t seem to spellcheck the manuscript. So you don’t want to back a flash in the pan, or be ‘one of those people who was so into ethnography of the homeless back in 2000.’ (again: these are examples. There is good work on both homeless and organ traffic).

So… what have you been reading lately?

Free Software Magazine. It’s free.

Unfortunately I will not be able to each my course on the anthropology of virtual worlds at HPU this quarter. It was underenrolled — mostly due to the fact, I believe, that the administration decided to schedule it at noon, right during lunch. *sigh*. On the one hand, this means I don’t get to have the opportunity to be the second person in the nation to teach a course specifically on virtual worlds. On the other hand, this means a lot more time for other projects such as the dissertation.

One good thing to come of this is that I do have a syllabus which will hopefully be helpful for others. As you can see it’s not entirely finished — there are a few swaths of vague readings, but the basic outline is there. Take a look if you’re interested.

The California Digital Library has been underway for sometime now, but this is the first time I’ve seen their interface this easy to use. Their public (i.e. free as in beer) book list includes sixty one anthropology books in full text. There is a ton of good stuff there, including (but not limited to): Rob Brightman’s Grateful Prey , The Calligraphic State, Maring Hunters and Traders, History and Tradition in Melanesian Anthropology, The Heart of the Pearlshell, Circumstantial Deliveries (Rodney Needham at his Needhamy-ist), and Wage, Trade and Exchange in Melanesia. Some of these chapters would be great for teaching.

I’m in the process of redesigning uh… well, everything in my life, including the blogroll in the side bar and a bunch of other stuff. But there are a few new blogs that I’ll be reading regularly and think you should too. First, Serving The Word is a blog on “the Hebrew Bible and related matters ancient and modern, through the lenses of philology, anthropological linguistics and political theology” by Seth Sanders, a friend is who not just erudite, but also brilliant. Of course, how he imagines his project in relation to anthropological linguistics is something that we can discuss more, but then again, that’s what the blogosphere is all about, right? Looking forward to this and other conversations on line with this guy.

Also, Jam Master I returns in Bookninja. What this blog lacks in Schleiermacher and Hermeneutics it makes up for in Led Zeppelin Onesies. Also Ian has good taste in general and isn’t afraid to let you know.

Also, Mizuki Ito has a blog, which I didn’t know about, and some great papers online about mobile phones in Japan that I am going to use on my students next quarter to soften ‘em up for a discussion of virtual worlds.

Dude. The other day I blogged what I thought was a felicitous congruence between Walter Benjamin and Jonathan Osorio. The passage from Osorio that I thought was so cool was this:

Ka wa mamua and ka wa mahope are the Hawaiian terms for the past and future, respectively. But note that ka wa mamua (past) means the time before, in front, or forward. Ka wa mahope (future) means the time after or behind. These terms do not merely describe time, but the Hawaiians’ orientation to it. We face the past, confidently interpreting the present, cautiously backing into the future, guided by what our ancestors knew and did. -Jon Osorio, Dismembering Lahui p.7

But then I was also reading Native Land and Foreign Desires by Lilikala Kame’eleihiwa, which was published a full decade before Osorio’s book, when I ran across this passage:

It is interesting to note that in Hawaiian, the past is referred to as ka wa mamua, or “the time in front or before.” Whereas the future, when thought of at all, is Ka wa mahope, or “the time which comes after or behind.” It is as if the Hawaiian stands firmly in the present, with his back to the future, and his eyes fixed upon the past, seeking historical answers for present-day dilemmas. Such an orientation is to the Hawaiian an eminently practical one, for the future is always unknown, whereas the past is rich in glory and knowledge. – Lilikala Kame’eleihiwa, Native Land, Foreign Desires, p. 22-23

Ouch. I’m not sure exactly how that happened, but if I were Osorio I would have quoted Kame’eleihiwa instead of more or less copying that passage. Since Osorio knows Kame’eleihiwa and her work quite well (they teach together), its particularly surprising to see this kind of slippage.

This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe that keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed. But a storm is blowing from Paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. The storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress. -Walter Benjamin

Ka wa mamua and ka wa mahope are the Hawaiian terms for the past and future, respectively. But note that ka wa mamua (past) means the time before, in front, or forward. Ka wa mahope (future) means the time after or behind. These terms do not merely describe time, but the Hawaiians’ orientation to it. We face the past, confidently interpreting the present, cautiously backing into the future, guided by what our ancestors knew and did. -John Osorio

Well it’s that time of the month again — contemporary america’s obsession with the idea of selfless giving has once more led it to misappropriate anthropological theories of reciprocity and distort some well-known ethnographic facts. The culprit this time is The New Scientist, which recently produced a piece about how the Kula can help us use cellphones better. I know that the inaccuracies in the article only get under the skin of Melanesianists and Melanesians — people who, frankly, most of the New Scientist’s readers don’t care about — and I’m sure that Vodafone is doing all sorts of cool things with their cellphones. So I dwell on this example not in the spirit of meanheartedness, but because it provides a perfect example of American’s tendency to use Kula, Potlatch, or what will you to fuel their own imaginations about gifts and reciprocity.

Let’s get some geography out of the way: First, the Trobriands are in the Coral Sea (as in ‘The Battle of the Coral Sea’), not the Solomon Sea — although it’s a close call. Second, while exchange in this area is complex, Malinowski’s classic Kula Ring was an interisland exchange that occurred between the Trobriands (Trobes, as they’re known in Papua New Guinea today) and a bunch of other islands — Muyua, Dobu, Misima (if I recall correctly), and so forth. So in fact the Kula was a regional exchange system.

The New Scientist says: “One of kula’s key features is an apparent element of altruism that is missing from a simple, two-way exchange of gifts.” Not true. Kula was a competitive system in which men attempted to gain fame and reputation by trading shrewdly, not an ‘altruistic’ one. Kula magic, for instance, is designed to make one beautiful and charismatic so that your trading partner will loose control of their mind and go nuts in their desire to give you large, prestiguous shells. Furthermore, the tenor of Kula exchanges, as Malinowski described them, is hardly altruistic. “A native will always, when speaking about a transaction, insist on the magnitude and value of the gift he gave, and mnimize those of the equivalent accepted… there is the attempt to enhance the apparent value of the gift by showing what a wrench it is to give it away” (Argonauts, 353) and “if the article given as a counter-gift is not equivalent, the recipient will be disappointed and angry” (Argonauts, 96). Indeed, Malinowski goes out of his way to disabuse the reader that Kula is an example of the habitual generosity caused by ‘primitive communism’, a popular late-nineteenth century misunderstanding of ‘primitive’ people which New Scientist more or less replicates a century later.

This leads us to New Scientist’s claim that “because the chain of gift-giving passes from island to island in a circle, no community receives a present from the one it gives to.” But in fact Kula traders do receive payment for the valuables that they give to others. Exactly how this happens is complex (and Malinowski missed a key part of it — the way that shells known as kitoum work) but any gift always involves a countergift, even if that countergift is only a ‘place holder’ for a larger future payment to match the value and beauty of the shell in question. So it is not the case that the person who gives shell valuables does not receive a countergift from the recipient of the shell. Malinowski is clear on this: “The Kula consists in the bestowing of a ceremonial gift, which has to be repaid by an equivalent counter-gift after a lapse of time” (Argonauts, 95). Furhtermore (on Malinowski’s account) you receive this countergift from the person to whom you gave your original shells — it is just these transaction which form “a partnership between two men” which “is a permanent and lifelong affair” (Argonauts 83).

In fact I think that there are important similarities between the way people in Papua New Guinea live their lives and the way in which people who use technology to communicate make meaning with one another — in fact, I’ve written a brief article about it. In fact, I’m even teaching a course of Virtual Worlds in the fall, and there will be some Melanesian material right there alongside stuff by the Terra Nova folks. There’s a good reason for this — the anthropological literature on reciprocity and exchange is now huge, and Melanesia is the classic ethnographic area where people are at their exchangiest.

Too often, however, Americans become fixated on exchange and reciprocrity because of the way it fulfills their own nightmares and fantasies about their own lives. Thus Kula stands in for our dreams of altruism and selfless giving, while potlatch comes to serve as an illustration of the pathologies of an overly-commodified culture. Unless you’re into free software, in which case it becomes a dream of altruism and selfless giving. There’s nothing wrong with this in and of itself, of course, the College of Sociology came up with tons of nifty stuff based on their strange French imagination of potlatch. But for those of us who think that Melanesians deserve to be understood — rather than used as fodder for our imagination — the defect of this approach is that Melanesians become cardboard cutouts on whom we hang up our dreams. And social scientist interested in generating generalized theories about human action which are applicable cross-culturally are never going to get there if they don’t take ‘primitive’ people as seriously as they do cell phone users.

If you’re interested in learning more about the Trobes, by the way, the best place to start is Anette Weiner’s The Trobrian Islanders of Papua New Guinea. It’s more accessible, shorter, and more up-to-date than Malinowksi’s classic study. Some time ago I also put together an Amazon listmania list on the complete Kula that will satisfy those of you who want to delve more deeply into the subject.

Can the subaltern google? A wikified reflection on the connection between open source publishing and making our research available to our research subjects by Kerim. Via the very good anthropologi.info. We’re building the anthropology blogosphere one entry at a time folks — keep at it!

Two revs ago, on an early form of this blog I remarked on the Kantian nature of the datasphere — making your words world-readable enforces a weirdly universal morality. A few quick dictums:

A lot of stuff we right is not intelligible to nonspecialists because it is technical. This is OK — the world needs technical works.

A well-roundeed scholar should be able to write more than technical works. So I think there is an important role that anthropologists play as ‘public intellectuals’ to make their work available to non-specialists.

We must always proceed as if our research informants were also our audience — increasingly, they are! We must always be thinking: what would one of my research subjects say about this? In the case of technical work, we must always say: what would an anthropologist from my (tribe | ethnic group | field site ) say about this?

We must do our best to make our work available to our research informants without sacrificing the needs of our discipline.

Academics have the best incentive structure in the world to publish free (as in speech) texts: we are paid teaching, not by royalties (modulo a few outliers). But one’s desirability as a professor (and hence earning potential) is proportional to one’s fame, which is furthered by being read. Ditto for your sense of achievement, popularity, and a bintillion other factors. Everything about academics points towards making our texts free.

Acid-free, bound copies of our work need to be stored in cool, dry places — treeware really is still the best way to ensure knowledge sticks around. We still need paper, and we need it distributed widely enough that a few catastrophic disasters don’t decapitate our cultural patromony. This is one need of our discipline.

There is more out there than anyone can possibly read. Certain anthropological brands have whuffie. We use this setup at a filter — we choose what we read based on where it was published, and the institutional affiliation and personal ties of the person who published it. Students of famous professors, articles in flagship journals, monographs published by prestiguous presses — these are the things we read.

With all due respect — and I honestly mean this — University Presses are unique beasties with some very strange characteristics. I say this based on my experience (which is limited, but has centered around a pretty well-known press). Let’s face it: I don’t really know anything about the publishing business. But I thought I’d at least give it a shot:

The staff is sometimes choosen based on their personal connections rather than their ability. People are rarely fired for poor performance. Office politics are even more personal and intransigent than in other sorts of offices. Strong resistance to innovation.

Production is inefficient. Basic editorial functions such as catching typos or poor grammar are increasingly ignored. Quality control is often an issue.

Presses respond to increased competition and increased cost by raising prices or taking further shelter in the protection of the subsidies afforded them by their parent universities. They do not respond by increasing efficiency.

Attempts to reform presses to be ‘more businesslike’ go afoul in two ways: first, a backlash against the idea that business is a good model for presses devoted to The Life of the Mind (a good objection in theory, but perhaps not appropriate given the state of academic publishing) second, poorly-implemented attempts at reform that misunderstand how businesses work. Demanding that a press ‘turn a profit’ is really not the lesson to learn from commercial publishing.

So with all due respect I have to wonder whether resistance to innovation by presses is sometimes misrecognized as an objective fact that ‘academic publishing is just a fundamentally impossible thing’.

Let’s rethink what we want from presses:

1) a small amount of high-quality treeware for archival purposes.

2) a branding mechanism to help us filter information.

3) the academic version of a good indie label — a place that supports young scholars through editing and support and helps them develop a long and fruitful career that benefits the entire field.

4) Distribution that is quick, cheap, and easy for academics and the affluent public: online distribution of free (as in speech) texts.

4) Distribution that is quick, cheap, and easy for less privileged people: cheap and ubiquitous delivery of treeware through the well-established subscription channels that 3rd world libraries have been using for some time now.

How do we do this? My argument — which is certainly not original — is to make the electronic text cannonical. Rather than produce the book first and then worry about getting it online, make the online article the definitive version of the text and then publish the book form wherever needed.

How do we do it?

Make presses imprints. Make them smaller, leaner and meaner — since they are essentially brands which provide high-quality texts, hire editors and (for lack of a better term) A&R people to sniff out the best new talent (there are issues here I’ll skip about whether they ought be academics or not). Then hire good designers and pay them what they’re worth to make sure they don’t quit. Focus on producing documents in standards-compliant formats (*ahem* xml) that can be transformed into PDF, HTML, RTF, SXW, and paper formats without too much difficulty.

Shift to print on demand. Consortiums of presses pool their resources to create a cafe-press type setup that can produce cheapo one-off treeware as well as more expensive high-quality archival stuff. Economies of scale will drive down the price of the books. Having a single point of publication means more volume, which means cheaper costs. It also means simpler distribution mechanisms. I know this is wishful thinking, and there are obstacles to overcome, but perhaps we could try thinking in these terms.

I think we might be suprised at what happens to the economics of distributing journals if we were to do this.

Distribute electronically. Distribute electornically. Distribute electronically. Charge if you need to offset hosting costs — that’s cool. Create new lines of ‘occaisional papers’ and charge by the paper. Innovative and forward looking services such as Australia National University’s ePrints service have heaps of great stuff on line even as we speak.

Buy stock in companies that make printers and toner, sell stock in companies that do photocopying. People are going to be printing out a buttload of stuff.

It could even be the case: if anyone could publish anything anywhere they wanted, perhaps quantity of publications would not matter as much. Perhaps quality would become a more important metric of someone’s publication record? Perhaps people would be driven to high-whuffie publications?

Perhaps we’d find monographs are not the best way to publish anymore? I have trouble going there, but is it truly unthinkable?

Perhaps people might start judging the quality of an imprint for “what its done for them lately” in addition to traditional (and potentially ossified) notions of prestige.

Perhaps we’de have 500 small presses instead of 50 big ones.

As I said, there are problems with this model, and it would change how publishing happens. But as those of you who follow the industry know, academic publishing is in a pretty sad state. The future would look different. Very different. But:

How much do we have to loose, and how much do we have to gain?

A while ago on the blog I mentioned Secret Project #1 was in the works, and I am pleased to announce that it is now unveiled: Prickly Paradigm Press is releasing its back catalog under a creative commons license. I’ve been working with both Creative Commons and Prickly Paradigm to make this happen, and I’m very happy to announce that this has finally gone through. You can read Creative Commons’s press release about the event, or check out my schnazzy interview with Marshall Sahlins, the editor of Prickly Paradigm (and the chair of my dissertation committee) who is a featured commoner on Creative Commons at the moment.

Prickly Paradigm publishes delightfully irreverant forays into politics, humour, and philosophy by famous intellectuals and academics who by all right ought to be up to something much more dignified. All of the pamphlets are good, and a few are truly excellent — David Graeber’s Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology is truly too good to wait for and you really ought to buy the treeware version now. Among the free PDFs that are now available, three stand out for me. Marshall’s Waiting for Foucault (link to PDF) is a now-famous series of after dinner remarks that is a half-standup intellectual polemic which is worth reading if you haven’t latched onto it yet. Michael Silverstein’s (another committee member) pamphlet Talking Politics: The Substance of Style from Abe to “W” (link to PDF) is also particularly worth looking at. It’s an analysis of how Abraham Lincoln and George W. Bush, despite their incredible differences in the departments of verbal acuity, both rely on the same deep structures of American rhetoric in order to seem trustworthy in the eyes of voters. But more importantly, this pamphlet is the easiest way in to understanding Silverstein’s notoriously baroque (and also incredibly powerful) approach to language and culture. If you’ve always wanted to understand what Silverstein was on about, but couldn’t make it through the first page of ‘Metapragmatic Discourse and Metapragmatic Function,’ then this is the pamphlet for you. As Marshall once quipped, Prickly Paradigm “has the English language rights to Silverstein.” Finally, I am not a fan or Bruno Latour, but if you (like so many people today) are down with Latour you should check out his pamphlet War of the Worlds: How About Peace?, which ventures into the contemporary politics of the post-9/11 world.

I’m firmly convinced that alternative licensing and electronic distribution of texts is the future of academic publishing, and I’m truly gratified to see Prickly Paradigm andCreative Commons are working together to move us into a world where academic ideals of the free flow of information are reflected not just in the practice of research and debate, but in the realities of publishing and distribution.

Jacques Derrida is dead.

OK I’ll shut up about the new article after this, but I did want to point out that a free (as in freedom) version of my recent Anthropological Quartertly article can be found here. It’s a 487K PDF and has all of the papers from the “Culture’s Open Sources” section of the journal in which my article appeared. Download away!

Those of you with subscriptions to Project Muse can download and read my latest article, Copyright and Taboo in both HTML and PDF. The person who indexed it decided that the subjects of the paper were “Copyright — Philosophy,” “Taboo,” and “Melanesians — Social Life and Customs.” If you don’t have a subscription, the Creative Commons Licensed versions will be around “in a week” — although I’m always skeptical when academics claim that they’re going to get something done quickly. Anyhoo, let he who has ear hear.

Levi-Strauss and Joss Whedon have a fundamental disagreement. Levi-Strauss believes that myths are machines for stopping time. Joss insists that myths are time in motion. From this we can easily deduce that bad comic books are bad because they are dead.

During his travels in Amazonia Levi-Strauss was impressed by the way that the indigenous people he met modeled their life on their mythic ancestors. One narrowly escaped death thanks to the help of a parrot, and vowed henceforth not to eat parents. Neither did they. In the past they harvested food thus and so. So did their descendants. In the mythic past people married in such and such a way. So do they. Do this extent some might want to call their mode of life picaresque. Levi-Strauss’s vision of the new world was that of an enormous crystalline structure stretching from Patagonia to Alaska, in intricately detailed, organically grown set of stories which dictated life for the people who lived beneath them. He loved to collect ‘primitive’ art.

The structure was brittle however – it resisted novelty, and refused to incorporate history into its mastering narratives. For this reason Levi-Strauss called it ‘cold’. But things had changed since the original peopling of the Americas. The age of discovery led to a second migration from Old World to the New. Amazonians may have lived lives guided by myths, by their colonizers were ‘hot’ – discarding old beliefs for new ones, they learned and innovated. This was the sadness of the tropics as Levi-Strauss saw them: the irrevocable destruction of unique cultures at the hands of a homogenizing Western juggernaut that was as unpalatable as it was unremitting. History and myth did battle, and myth seemed destined to loose.

* * *

Metaphors are figures of speech in which two things are compared. The juxtaposition allows us to see what connects them. When they are good they delight us with their unexpected correspondences. Metaphors such as ‘Buffy the Vampire Slayer is like an omelets: they both delight us because they are folded over’ enrich our language an imagination. This is why Ricoeur called them ‘living’ metaphors and made them central to his account of how language innovates and changes. It’s also why he called commonplace metaphors ‘dead’ – they had nothing to teach us.

Joss Whedon has always claimed that Buffy The Vampire Slayer is metaphorical and he is right, but in reverse. Tales of monsters have always been effective metaphors that help us understand ourselves better, whether it be the controlling sexuality of vampires or the rapacious, uncontrollable appetites of werewolves. But what Joss doesn’t seem to get is that Buffy’s monsters are not metaphorical, they are real. Joss’s metaphors live because they fold back on themselves. In Dracula the symmetrical transfer of blood becomes a metaphor for emotional intimacy: Dracula acquired his three wives by sucking them dry, while Lucy’s three suitors demonstrate their loyalty by transferring their blood to her. Mina’s position in the novel because it crystallizes in metaphorical form the battle of desire (vampiric power) and duty (marital love). But Buffy is not a monster movie which functions as an allegory of adolescence. High school is not like a monster movie – it literally is a monster movie. The humanity in Angel and Spike that Buffy lays bare is a literal one. Like an omelet, Buffy delights us because it is folded over. Like a good metaphor, it is vibrantly alive.

In Buffy Joss harnesses myth to time. Would anyone argue that the rich inventory of stories and situations that Joss draws on are not mythic? The epic battles, romantic entanglements, and menagerie of bad guys are drawn from our collective imagination. But unlike Levi-Strauss’s Amazonians, Joss’s characters are not destined to replay myth after myth in a never-ending repetition. Buffy is not a sit com because its situation changes. People learn from their past mistakes, they regain their soul, they decide they like girls. In a word, they grow up. By realizing an inventory of mythic images in the context of a narrative arc, Joss uses them propel and motivate the change in his characters. In doing so, he implicitly disagrees with Levi-Strauss. In Levi-Strauss, cold myth is cold and history is hot. In Buffy, myth is the tools employed to drive time, not to stop it.

* * *

It’s for this reason that Joss might agree with the argument made in the title of Marshal Sahlins’s Historical Metaphor and Mythical Realities. Sahlins’s point is that it is the myths – meaning here the general cultural templates that we employ in our lives – that are enduring and real and our lives are instantiations or metaphors of them. Thus life is a series of metaphors of the mythic ensemble we employ to construct our worlds and make sense of our world. But Sahlins is not one of these cold-theorists. He argues for a feedback loop between history and myth. Universal myths realize themselves in circumstances so laden with particularity that their their manifestation gets tweaked, and the resulting instantiation of the myth then gets fed back into the mythic structure, altering it. Thus myths and history are not opposed, but in a dialectical relationship, feeding off of each other and their mutual morphings.

From this we can see two facts. First, Buffy Season Finale Five really really rawked not just because of how creepy Joel Grey was, but because of its literal instantiation of mythic themes. Second, Buffy has worked its way into our collective imagination that no story of vampires, much less female adolescence, would ever be the same. Although a historically existent television show, Buffy is now one of our mythical realities.

* * *

All of which is to say that we are all bricoleurs, and that bricolage – the creative rearrangement of a given set of elements to deal with this or that problem – is how all human beings operate. And no where is this more clear than in the case of oral performance. Contra generations of British classicists who insisted that the Iliad was Art while all that colonial chanting was so much hogwash. But as Albert Lord has pointed out, the Iliad is essentially a transcription of the epic oral poetry which people in the Balkans still practice. And, bricoleur like, its performers were almost certainly expected to make make every particular performance of its myths slightly different. Today philanthropists get their names on buildings, but back then their relatives just got spliced into the catalog of ships. A fully customizable custom, the Iliad is much a piece of bricolage as (and this is the point) everything else is.

Of course, there are bards and there are bards. I’m sure that Homer, Eminem like, would crush most comers in an archaic Greek rap battle while oxen-eyed Brittany Murphy eagerly waits in the wings. He won because he was good at freestyle, and it’s all freestyle. Art, like life, is all about the artfulness with which we apply general mythic, metric, and meaningful categories to our own life.

I feel sorry for the other guys – the guys who can’t pull off the caesura and can’t remember what’s to the left of the CourtTV scene on Achilles’s shield. But there’s nothing cosmically different from them and Homer. They don’t wallow in the aporias of the bricolesque. They’re just bad story tellers. Like uninformative metaphors, their stories are simply dead.

It’s true that there are interesting tensions between the unchanging situations of situation comedies and the urge to create a story arc that inevitable begins to manifest itself once the characters get really interesting. This is, after all, what explains the unraveling of Moonlighting. But this is a tension of myth and history is endemic to humanity and can be resolved in any number of ways. Excellent artists like Joss Whedon, Alan Moore, and Homer make this tension fruitful. Their realization of our myths is, like a good metaphor, startling and delightful. Their juxtaposition of elements kicks ass. Bad comics are bad because they fail to do something new and interesting with the mythical elements which are their patrimony. They seem superficial not because of the limitations of their genre, but because of the limitations of their artists. And this is something we’ve known intuitively for a very long time indeed.

In honor of Bastille Day I’d like a take a moment to rant and rave about how lousy translations of French are. It used to be that French was considered a model of elegant, artful prose. Somehow these days people have come to associate French and French theory jargony, impassable prose. And, to be fair, sometimes this is because the French philosophers that Americans like to read these days write jargony, impassale prose. But I think its also worth pointing out how many of these wounds are self-inflicted – a lot of times we fail to do justice to the prose that our Francophone colleagues hand us. Consider, for instance, the violence done to the following titles:

1. Six leçons sur le son le sens: This is one MSLV loves to rant about. Jakobson’s wonderfully mellifluous title should obviously have been translated as Six Sessions on Sounds and Sense. But no. We get Six Lectures on Sound and Meaning. Blech.

2. Ce que parler veut dire: Bourdieu’s collected essays on the intricate ways that language and power are intertwined, and the way that how and what we speak embeds us in structures of social inequality. A simple and literal gloss of the French would have caputed the ambiguity of the French title: What Speaking Means. But what do we get instead? Language and Symbolic Power. And we wonder why people consider Academics to be jargonheads?

3. La métaphor vive: Paul Ricoeur’s masterful volume focuses on ‘the fundamental metaphoricity of language’. While ‘dead’ metaphors become cliched, new and unexpected metaphors (‘living’ ones) let us see the connections between things we thought previously unrelated. In doing so metaphors push the envelope of language, keeping it new and fresh. Ricoeur’s book is meant to remind us that speaking is fundamentally a poetic, artistic activity and not simply an engineering feat of accurately denoting things in the world. It’s not suprising then, that the title of Ricoeur’s book is Living Metaphors. Except, of course, it’s not. It’s The Rule of Metaphor. Why? How? Hello? The book is about the way language innovates by violating rules and expectations. Sigh.

4. Le sens pratique: I find this one particularly infuriating. This book by Bourdieu attempts to reconcile a Levi-Straussian structuralism with Sartre’s insistence on the existential agency of actors (I mean, who wasn’t trying to do this post-68?). He gets there by applying Heidegger’s account of human being-in-the-world. His book – entitled “Practical Sense” (which harks back to classical takes on prudence and phronesis, by the way) is about how a certain kind of embodied, non-cognitive disposition can produce logically consistent and observable results. But the book’s title in English is ‘the Logic of Practice’. When the whole point is that practice isn’t logical. It’s practical. It may not seem like a big deal, but if you’ve read a lot of Bourdieu in English you may think my description of le sense pratique is completely screwy. One reason is that I could be wrong (though I don’t think I am) but partially its because the weirdo reception of Bourdieu due to things like these bizarre title translations. [Pause]. Ok I think I’m better now. Thanks for listening.

5. Pensee Sauvage: This is one I’ve already mentioned in several location. The title is an untranslateable pun which means simultaneously “savage thought” and “wild pansies” and, just to mess with you, the French edition has a huge picture of a pansy on the cover. So admittedly the English language translation as The Savage Mind was never going to capture the original French title. Still, Levi-Strauss’s own suggestion – riffing off of Ophelia – of Pansies for Thought would have been more rocking.

Happy Bastille Day everyone!

It’s become clear to me that the ‘cultural difference’ section of first chapter is going to have to be expanded and that its focus will be the critique of Latour’s ’symmetric anthropology’ that has been boiling in my head for sometime. In fact, if properly played out, I see this as being the logical underpinning of the dissertation. Although difficult to write, it connects much more closely with the various issues that I deal with in different chapters. The basic idea of the critique – which I won’t go into here now because I’m not exactly sure how the details work out – is that it operates in bad faith and misrecognizes what happens when we do fieldwork and right ethnography. There are not “different beliefs” between anthropologists and their research subjects (since shared understanding is a condition of possibility for ethnographic research). There are only “different stakes” – different problems. Approaching it this way moves us back to questions not of ontological difference, but of differing motives for entextualization (and hence Weber’s problematic of value-relevance and his ‘even a Chinese’ assertion). When in doubt: Weber.

The idea is to get the political mileage of Latour’s current recasting of cultural relativism that people find so comforting in a more coherently theorized way, and in doing so to relate Latour’s work to the now-extinct (though relevant and unsolved) issues in kinship theory. Linking, in other words, The Pasteurization of France with Smith’s classic article On Segmentary Lineage Systems. In doing so I hope to re-link with Carsten in a pincer maneuver which pays homage to, while simultaneously taking the wind out of the sails of, David Schneider.

Got that?

Ok ok neither do I, exactly. But it’ll get clearer in the next couple of days. At least – it better get clearer. T Minus 22 and counting.

Fellow UofC anthro Yari now has a blog. Except unlike me, she is blogging from the field. I’ve never heard of anyone doing this before. I barely know her – I think we met at a party and I answered a question she had about Human Relations protocols at the UofC – but wish her luck in her twin roles as blogger and fieldworker. Go Yari!

The stress of multiple presentations is done, the post-traume decompression is over. I’m back to normal, refreshed and relaxed. The templates are made, the styles designed, and every day I sit face to face with the last two chapters of my dissertation.

After months of honing and honing the other chapters – or rather the presentations that will become chapters without too much fuss – sitting down to a blank screen and starting on two fresh chapters from scratch means immersion in a kind of creative process that I haven’t had to deal with in quite some time. A blank screen is a whorling potential combination of words – an endless sort of infinity in which your writing could take any possible form. Every word I type reduces the possible combination of letters and phrases by orders of magnitude. Every draft limits your possibilities in a liberating way, turning your thought into one of a fixed number of forms, relieving the burden of possibility and replacing it with a text, external to you, which is utterly more manipulable than the swirling mass of potentialities within you. When you pick up a draft it is in such-and-such a form, arranged one way and not another, fixed and hence fixable. Its potentiality is manageable. Writing from scratch is something else altogether.

I am looking forward in the next couple of days to pounding out a rough draft of the pages that will become the meat of the dissertation. But even more, I’m looking forward to seeing the pages lined up, the thought externalized, and the chaos controlled. Somewhere in the heavens is that celestial dissertation, the one that perfectly expresses all of the great thoughts and ideas that you know your project deserves. The craftsmanship in writing comes in learning what it means to soldier on towards that ideal while simultaneously recognizing that it is, by definition, unobtainable. This is not a great loss – who can bring heaven down to earth, after all? It’s certainly not, as some would say, proof of the futility of writing. For me, the process of writing means turning around the pivot of unfulfillable expectations and the relief of dealing with the earthly, external text rather than the ineffable, intangible expectation. Writing well means dealing with this dilemma. I’m looking forward to it.

The American Anthropology Association – the largest professional association of anthropologists in the world – has released a press statement in opposition to a constitutional ban on gay marriage. Although I am sometimes out of sympathy with my discipline, I couldn’t agree more with this press release.

In the past 100 years, our understanding of social organization, marriage and the family has increased by literally orders of magnitude. Historical, sociological, and ethnographic research has produced a body of work whose existence itself is one of the strongest reasons for recognizing the continuing relevance of social science. We have learned a tremendous amount about the multiple ways that people across time and throughout the world organize themselves, their lives, and their families.

Setting aside for a moment the important ethical and religious concerns that many people have about same-sex marriage, claims that ‘the family is the basis of civilization’ and that allowing same-sex marriage will ‘lead to the end of civilization’ are so vague that they simply fail to qualify as provable or disprovable (or even really discussable) at all. What, specifically, will go wrong? Will industrial production will decline? Will critical infrastructure no longer be maintained? Will the United States become depopulated? Will violent crime rise? White collar crime? I am unable to parse out this claim into any sort of hypothesis or prediction about future events sufficiently inteligible that it could be tested or analyzed in anything approaching a scientific manner.

Since I try to avoid politics on this blog, I don’t want to dwell at length on these questions. This is a contentious topic that inspires strong feelings on both sides. Many people oppose same-sex marriage on religious and moral grounds – as a religious person I am sympathetic to their concerns, although I myself support same-sex marriage. Perhaps there are many more articulate supporters of a ban on same-sex marriage who have made very explicit arguements regarding its concrete impact on Social Security or healthcare, but I’m not aware of this work. That is probably my fault.

But as an empirical proposition, my training and knowledge of the ethnographic record suggests that allowing two people of the same gender to share health care benefits will not result in measurable dysfunction in our economic, political, or social relations in this country. As the American Anthropological Association points out, “a vast array of family types, including families built upon same-sex partnerships, can contribute to stable and humane societies.”

This urlology is meant entirely for a very narrow audience – me. I’m an anglophone anthropologist with some French and very little Germany who works in the highlands of Papua New Guinea, so the list is slanted towards anthropology and the Pacific. Hopefully it’ll be good for you too.

This is quite simply a list of the journals I use and how to find their online presence and journal.

So here we go:

American Anthropologist
Online: JSTOR (5 year wall)
Homepage: homepage on the AAA site

American Ethnologist
Online: JSTOR
Homepage: AE Homepage

Anthropological Theory
Online: Ingenta

Anthropological Theory
Online: Ingenta
Homepage: here

Anthropology and Humanism
Homepage: the SHA homepage

Anthropology Today
Homepage: here.

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology (TAPJA)
aka Canberra Anthropology
Homepage:on the RSPAS server.

The Australian Journal of Anthropology (TAJA)
aka Mankind
Online: EBSCO publishing
Homepage: at the AAS homepage

Comparative Studies of Society and History
Online: JSTOR.org”>JSTOR (5 year wall). Fresh content at Cambridge UP
Homepage: official homepage

Contemporary Pacific
Not indexed by Anthropology Plus.
Online: Project Muse
Homepage: UofH Press Homepage.

Cultural Anthropology
Online: JSTOR
Homepage: Home page here

Current Anthropology
Online: JSTOR (5 year wall). Fresh content: here

Journal of Pacific History
Homepage: publisher’s page.

Journal of the Polynesian Society
Indexed under the title “Polynesian Society Journal” at the Regenstein, so be warned.
Indexed by anthro plus
Homepage: homepage
with tocs of recent issues. I can’t figure out if there’s fulltext anywhere, but it is indexed by anthlit.

Journal of the Royal Anthropological Association
aka Man
Online: JSTOR
Homepage: here

Oceania
Online: PCI Full Text (1930-1991), Academic Search Premiere (1993-present)
Homepage: here

Pacific Affairs
Online: JSTOR
Homepage: here

Pacific Studies
Not indexed by anthro plus
Homepage: here

PoLAR
Homepage: AAA PoLAR site

Social Analysis
Right here, baby. For post-2002 there is the publisher’s website.

Social Anthropology
Homepage: publisher homepage for this.

A few years ago I was visiting some friends in Portland, Oregon on the 4th of July. I’ve never been a big fireworks person – they’re loud and so I tried to focus on the barbecue. But my friends of course went nuts. So shortly after sundown I walked out with them to a local park with a public tennis court and we proceeded to light off large amounts of incredibly illegal and unbelievable explosives.

Shortly thereafter some cops on the other side of the park pulled up in their big cop car and brought it to a slow idle. The message seemed to be pretty clear: “come on guys, we’ve got a really busy night. Take it somewhere else where it’s not so obvious, or else we’ll have to get out of the car and hassle you and nobody wants to go through the trouble of doing that.” It didn’t take long for us to get the message. We dropped what we were doing and made our way unceremoniously towards the bushes. Everyone else but Jim, who stood there, staring contemplatively at the massive, artillery like firework that lay at his feet. “Jim? Jim! Come on! What are you doing?!” we asked urgently.

“I’m trying to decide whether I want to possess,” he said.

My brain exploded.

Why?

Jim was a Federal DA, which meant that he spent most of his time defending bank robbers and marijuana growers. He was trying to decide whether to take the fireworks with him or not, but was keenly aware of the difference between being found in the possession of illegal fireworks as opposed to just being caught by the cops running away. What is the difference, legally? I have no idea. Perhaps their different infringements under the law? Maybe they’re violations of the same law, but you have a stronger case in the judge’s eyes if you didn’t actually have them on you when you were caught. The only person who really knew was Jim because – and this is the point – he was imagining ‘what is happening on the tennis court’ from the point of view of a future series of events in which people reflected on ‘what happened on the tennis court’.

I’m calling this ‘prolepsis’.

Understanding how people understand the present from the point of view of what we’ll say about it in the future is something that we do all the time. Lawyers, as I’ve indicated, do this professionally. Sometimes – when you’re negotiating with them, for example – you get the feeling that what they’re really doing is toeing the line that an imaginary future judge would want them to. Presidents brood on their legacy and how they’ll be viewed in ‘history’. And at some level, we all go about our daily lives with some sense of the forward leaning slope of our biography – we don’t just enroll in College to get a good job someday, we unscrew the top of the mayonnaise jar because we anticipate putting the knife into the mayonnaise as part of a proleptic, forward-looking sandwich-making project. But the particular linguistic and interactional way in which people interact with each other in the present with an eye to future descriptions of the event is something that is stirring in the air here in my department. I’m not sure exactly how it’ll shape up – right now we’ve just got one professor and a couple of the more, shall we say, indoctrinated students. It’s something I’m interested in, since I study lawyers and negotiations, where this sort of stuff happens all the time.

It’s an interesting problem because in the last thirty years anthropologists and linguists have gotten very very good at understanding how people work together in conversation to create a coherent sense of ‘what happened’ in interaction that can be described and redescribed and narrated and renarrated. So we know about how to imagine and reimagine our present from the point of view of what has come before, and the uses to which we put the past in the present. There’s been a ton of stuff written about that.

Now at some level these two things – the imagination of how we’ll view the present in the future and how in the present we imagine and deploy the past – are just two sides of the same coin. And its most general, human life is all about the creative deployment of our past lives in our attempts to shape our future together. But still, I admit: prolepsis.

Anyway, that’s why my head exploded.

Hans-Georg Gadamer. The Ontological Foundation of the Occasional and the Decorative. in Truth and Method secions I.I.2 A,B, and C.

Wu Hung. Monumentality in Early Chinese Art and Architecture.

Adam T. Smith. Rendering the Political Aesthetic: Political Legitimacy in Urartian Representations of the Built Environment. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 19: 131-163. 2000.

Suggestions?


Here’s a paper I presented at the AAAs this year. I retain copyright for two reasons: first, I’m not
that partible and second, I’m too lazy to whip up a Creative Commons license at the moment. Don’t worry – I won’t get after you if you send it around. Don’t dare plagariaze it or fail to attribute my authorship. Google will find you out and strike you down.

This paper is an attempt to demonstration the connection between my two main research projects. As a result, people who work in each of the areas will find the bits on what they do too superficial and the other bits hopeless obscure. Please bear with me – it’s just a 15 minute talk after all.

The proper citation for this paper is:

Alex Golub. Copyright and Taboo. Unpublished paper presented at “Culture’s Open Sources” panel of the 2003 American Anthropological Association annual meetings, 22 November 2003.

One hundred and fifty years ago, the going theory was that non-Europeans were confused. They had a ‘primitive mentality’ which could not clearly distinguish between things which were in fact distinct. Authors like Frazer and Levy-Bruhl argued that ‘natives’ confused nature and culture, humans and inanimate objects, and cause and effect. Beliefs about the efficacy of blood, fingernails, and hair in ensorcelling the people they were once physically part of were based on erroneously simplistic principles of ‘contiguity’ and ‘association’ which science had, luckily, worked its way past. One of the most common and enduring of these sorts of tropes revolves around cameras. ‘The natives’ would not allow whites to take their picture because cameras could ’steal their souls’. The imperial explanation was simple: these people had a ‘primitive mentality’ and confused their soul with their image A subject of the British Empire or a self-sufficient American pioneer, on the other hand, came from a highly evolved, scientific society. They could tell the difference between a picture and the thing it depicted. Their thoughts were clear and distinct, freed from the miasma of an earlier, less discerning age.

It may come as a bit of a surprise, then, to consider the events of 8 April 2002 when Tipper Gore gave a speech at American University in Washington DC. During the course of the speech, a student protestor began video taping Mrs. Gore and was asked to stop. When he refused a scuffle ensued in which he was handcuffed, led away, and the tape confiscated. Amongst the charges laid against him by the disciplinary committee at AU was possession of stolen property – by which was meant the image and likeness of Tipper Gore.

It is ironic to note that now, a century and a half after Frazer, American proponents of strict intellectual property and copyright laws appear to operate on principles that are almost eerily similar to those described in the Golden Bough. Now don’t get me wrong – I would never tarnish the reputation of the world’s indigenous people by ascribing to them the same level of civilizational development as Tipper Gore. But I would like to use this incident as a way to begin bridging two topics of interest to me: topics that I’ll gloss under the headings of ‘copyright’ and ‘taboo’. How can we deepen our understanding of the American cultural underpinnings of copyright through an engagement with the more traditionally anthropological literatures such as that of taboo and Melanesian personhood? In this paper I’ll argue that copyright and taboo are alike because they are both responses to the same existential predicament: the fact that we are always individuals separate from others, and yet our lives are always caught up with those of other people. In realm of taboo, this troubling confusion is figured in terms of the body. Copyright figures this dilemma in terms of an individual’s creative output.

Let me start to make sense of that last assertion. The subject of taboo, course, is one of anthropology’s classic tropes. In this paper, I will limit myself to Valerio Valeri’s account of taboo presented in his magisterial The Forest of Taboos. Valeri grounds taboo in the embodied nature of human subjectivity. Human subjects are “symbolically constituted, but necessarily located in the body” and, of course, “the body is not only a substance to be… turned into grist for the symbolic mill, but also a constant source of nonsense undermining the affirmation of sense”. This ‘nonsense’ – the resisting, inarticulate physical nature of biology – haunts the subject. Thus, Valeri writes, “the body, particularly the constantly moving and transforming body which we experience in its processes of ingestion, excretion, reproduction, transformation, and decay” is the strongest expression of this fact. As a result, “the phenomenon of taboo and the various dangers that motive it must be apprehended at the points of articulation and confrontation of the subject and the conditions – symbolic and presymbolic – of its existence.”

Thus, on the one hand, we recognize the immutable rootedness of our selves in our body while on the other we are keenly aware that our bodies are what lawyers refer to as ‘prior art’: amalgamations of other people’s substances – our father’s semen, our mother’s milk, the meat of the animals we have killed and eaten. You are, after all, ‘what you eat’. And just as our bodies of others have become separated from them so as to become part of ours, bits of our bodies such fingernails, hair, feces, urine, blood can be separated from us and come into the possession of other people. We have issues about all of this – and it is these issues which Valeri takes as central to notions of taboo.
The troubling non-congruence between our physical bodies and our selves that Valeri takes to be the origin of taboo has long been a topic for Melanesians and Melanesianists. Marilyn Strathern in particular has famously argued that where ‘the west’ sees individuals whose interaction creates social relationships, ‘Melanesians’ see social relationships who interactions create individuals. To Melanesians, individuals are merely the physical nexus through which relations of consanguinity and affinity run, and people are ‘partible’ in so far as their labor and self – the food they’ve grown, the fluid of their bodies, the shell valuables of their clan – can leave their body to create new relationships.

You need not endorse Strathern’s formulations (or her prose style, for that matter) to buy into this – you only have to live in Papua New Guinea. In the Porgera valley, where I did my fieldwork, people were all about pigs. In Porgera, a young man pays brideprice in pigs (among other things) to his future in-laws so that he can marry their daughter. He gets the pigs from his parent’s siblings (who, cringing, I’ll refer to as ‘aunts’ and uncles’) – pigs that they painstakingly raised and fed with food they grew. The boy gives the pigs to his inlaws to detach their daughter from their household – he is depriving them of her own future work by making her a part of his household. At the same time this union creates a connection between groups (Ipili say women are ‘a bridge which men go across’). The aunts and uncle’s subjectivities thus have a certain porcine fungibility which they use to create a relationship – a new marriage – with the other group. The physical excresence of this marriage is, of course, the newlywed’s child. If the two groups ever fight, this is the child who will mediate between them. An in fact the bridewealth the couple will receive for the marriage of their first female child is traditionally divided up amongst the people who provided their original bridewealth.

I don’t want to go into this too much, or needlessly exoticize Papua New Guineans. In fact, my goal is just the opposite. In anthropology, we have a tendency to draw a division between ‘the west’ and ‘Melanesia’ – ‘they’ have partible personhood and ‘we’ imagine ourselves as ‘possesive individuals’. In fact, anthropological critiques of what Marshall Sahlins calls ‘native anthropology of western cosmology’ seek to undermine our assumptions by showing how culturally specific they are – we’re prudish, but they (over in Samoa) are much more open about sex, and so forth. On this account, it’s their difference from us that makes the critique powerful. And this is how it goes in critiques of copyright law, which typically demonstrate that the cultural underpinnings of copyright law involve notions of possessive individualism and the romantic creative genius which are historically and culturally specific. I’d like to propose an opposite strategy – rather than set Melanesian notions of personhood in opposition to ‘our’ individualism, we would do better to find the similarities between Melanesians and contemporary Americans. As the example of Tipper Gore has shown, you don’t have to look very far a field before in order to see lawyers behaving in ways that we associate with ‘the natives’.

I would argue that Americans are keenly aware of the way that their selfhood is anchored in their body but can circulate out of their control. Think again of the Romantic genius whose artistic work is so uniquely an expression of their subjectivity that the music and poetry they produce is quite literally a part of them – this looks very much like partible personhood to me. Seen from the point of view of taboo, then, copyright derives its cultural legitimacy from the strange contradiction that creative output, like hair or fingernails, is at once deeply a part of one’s own integral subjectivity, and yet can circulate out of one’s own control. The same relations of contiguity and association that leads people to collect the hair of the person they seek to ensorcel underwrites the cultural logic that legitimates the Recording Industry Association of America’s attempts to bust down Kazaa.

If our physical integrity relies on forces that lie outside out body, the same thing could be said about our textual coherence. Even if liberal political philosophy and law paints us as group of freely associated individuals, the literature on taboo and the practice of bloggers suggests a more embracing view. Everyone who has spent time on the internet knows numerous stories which make plain how traumatic it can be to live in a world where one’s biography is world readable and our textual selves start circulating out of their control. Indeed, if there’s one thing we’ve learned from blogs, it’s how keenly people dislike it when other people take narrative control of their lives. As in physical taboo, the big bugbear is sex. A college student reads in horror as the man she has dated dreams in his blog of having tantric sex with her in the library stacks and measures the success of his dates with her based on how close he comes to receiving a hand job. A young man blogs his one night stand only to find the guy he hooked up with has left a rather unflattering remark in the comments. A young woman tentatively exploring her own bisexuality finds that her girlfriend has posted graphic descriptions of their erotic encounters on her website. Are you squirming yet? That’s my point.

And finally there is open source software. You don’t have to be a genius to realize that Sourceforge is at some level an enormous gift economy with prestations flying in and out of CVS repositories quicker than you can say ‘Taonga’. But it’s also clear that a cross-cultural focus on selfhood will reveal a partibility of personhood in people’s use, appreciation of, and contribution to code that demonstrates a lived experience of life with others and the nature of their mutual entanglements. And what else are the licenses and standards of the open source movement than codes of conducts – taboos – that govern how the partible bits of ourselves called ‘code’ circulate between and are internalized by others?

And this brings me back to Tipper Gore. Gore’s inability to distinguish between herself and her representation is not surprising, given that our legal regime’s understanding of what it means to have a textual existence that exceeds one’s corporeality is not much more nuanced than simply ’stealing souls’. But people who are living with and through technology – like people who live with and through the animals they hunt, and the food they grow – fashion their own taboos and their own sense of limits. We may always have issues at the places where we stop and the world begins, but how we deal with this lack of limit varies. Although hedged about with taboo and slightly swine-centric, Porgerans have created a lifeway that makes eminent sense of their intimate articulations. Can we say the same about copyright in our country today? And in closing, I’d like to ask: who is the true savage?

I’m excitedly working on a paper that I’ll be giving at the AAAs that will serve as the hinge between my interests in Melanesia and technology. It’s going very well. Since most people present will be technicists, I feel like I’m a little defensive about invoking concepts such as ‘taboo’ and am trying to write in such a way as to convince people of its relevance. Still, I have to know where to stop. Consider, for instance:

“Taboo, of course, is a subject of constant interest to anthropologists because it is a continual concern to the vast majority of humans on the planet – those of you present who do not consider yourself so concerned can prove me wrong by, for instance, waiting for your mother to menstruate, having sex with her, and then killing and eating her.”

This sentence, for instance, is too outrageously over-the-top to let disappear entirely but too wierdo to include in a formal paper. I guess that’s why god made blogs ;!)